Nosheen Saeed
The flood situation demands immediate action and no slip-ups. Or we will end up facing the demons arising out of this catastrophe, such as economic collapse, political instability, civil unrest and conflicts and rise of extremism, as well as outbreak of disease or epidemics, psychological disorders, food insecurity, sharply worsened poverty, lawlessness, agricultural crisis and environmental disaster.
The government of Pakistan should have declared national emergency, which is a condition of urgent need for action or assistance. A declared emergency allows the government to react more quickly than it can during normal times, helps in prioritising and focusing on the catastrophe, and allows state agencies to quickly respond to the situation.
According to reports pouring in, looters and armed bandits are exacerbating the misery of flood survivors by stealing their valuables, cattle and food. In the village of Karampur, outside the city of Sukkur, the flood victims lashed out at the government for its failure to protect them from looters.
There are widespread complaints of political interference in relief distribution. In Camp Koroona, in Nowshera district, flood victims residents accused the local cadres of the ANP and the PPP of distributing aid among their respective handpicked affiliates and non-deserving people.
Involvement of politicians in the distribution of relief goods, with the civil administration sidelined, has stirred controversies, raising the issue of transparency in the process. The Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government accused the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) of unequal distribution of relief goods and of being more generous in dispatching relief goods to Multan, the hometown of Prime Minister Gilani. Multan is one of the favoured districts to receive the lion's share of goods donated by different countries and charity organisations.
The information minister of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, Mian Iftikhar, described the response of the federal government and the NDMA to the crisis as pathetic and said his province had been ignored in distribution of relief goods. "The United Nations and other donor agencies say that 95 per cent of the damage has taken place in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, while the NDMA is sending relief goods to [other] areas," Mian Iftikhar lamented.
Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer stated that he was providing aid to everyone irrespective of their political affiliations. But Chief Minister Shabaz Sharif has complained that the federal government had not given even a "single penny" so far for rescue and relief.
There are cases of federal ministers preferring their own constituencies to the cities of Sukkur and Hyderabad, and politicians and cabinet ministers squabbling over a breach in a canal.
Such shameless conduct, in callous disregard of human suffering, has reinforced the already widespread perception that Pakistan is being ruled by a corrupt plutocracy completely lacking in public responsibility. The government is so full of itself that it has no time for people's problems, which is why it has no clue of governance and no sense of purpose.
The lives of millions have been shattered and they are facing an uncertain future deprived of everything they ever possessed. Speaking at a tent city in Sukkur, mother of five Mai Meema sighed: "We were poor people but never slept on an empty stomach. This flood has made us beggars. We have nothing at all."
The government needs to grasp the gravity of the situation. A crisis is usually a decisive turning point in a situation or state of affairs, and everything depends on the outcome of it. We have no option but to respond appropriately, or else be prepared for extreme consequences.
Aug 26, 2010
Crime, without punishment
Mosharraf Zaidi
If the global reaction to the most devastating floods in modern world history has not been a wakeup call for Pakistanis, then perhaps the brutality of the Sialkot lynching should. Inside and out, there's something broken about us.
So how do we fix it? How do we build something that is so broken? One way to proceed is to dive into an honest and forthright assessment of the ailments that plague us collectively. It seems we have every moral disease on the planet available here. Religious discrimination, apparently, doesn't even take a break during a flood. Nor does petty corruption and rent-seeking by cops and administrators. Nor does terrorism by Takfiri religious extremists. Nor does theft and dacoity and banditry. These are real problems, and they are not incidental.
Take Sialkot, mix it up with Balochistan, sprinkle in some Model Town, wrap it up in Data Darbar and FATA, roast what remains in the fires of Gojra, and then smoke it. Inhale deeply. How does it feel? Does it feel good to intoxicate ourselves with the failures and misery that we are defined routinely, as a people, by ourselves, and quite understandably, by others?
But how it feels is secondary. The question is, does it make a difference? Does it create a more functional society, a more effective state, a more capable government, more responsive institutions, or more accountable leaders? It doesn't at all. In fact, more often than not, the perpetual obsession to zone in and focus on individual stories like the horror in Sialkot is not a sign of our desire to effect change. It is infinitely more reflective of our gluttonous appetite for the most outrageous and scandalous images. So in the truest tradition of a national discourse that is almost entirely irrational, and almost entirely dependent on emotions, it isn't surprising that while Pakistan continues to drown in floodwaters that have still not stopped threatening Sindh, there is now a full-blown national introspection about the barbarity of Pakistani society. All 180 million of us, according to many, have collective guilt.
Maybe that is true. And maybe it is the exaggerated sentiment of people whose eyes watched what their minds and hearts could not bear. That is why I have yet to watch the video, and why I will never watch it.
What is certain is that the family of the two kids that were lynched by that crazed mob needs justice. That family deserves justice. The memory of those two boys on the other hand, deserves an outcome that protects this country's citizens from these kinds of attacks--everywhere.
That is a very tall order. The moral outrage we feel today is not new. In Gojra last summer, a mob went on a rampage and murdered eight innocent Pakistani citizens. It was too easy for the mainstream to make it a minority issue. It was a minority issue--those folks were targeted because they were Christian. But it was a larger public policy issue. In fact, if you are interested in solving these kinds of problems, it was, like Sialkot is, a purely public policy issue.
And in this, there is, I am afraid, no room for emotion. No room for sentimentality, or for self-righteousness, or for moral codes. There is only room for facts and the actions that those facts dictate. This is important.
If the country is feeling emotional about these atrocities, it is on the right track. Sooner or later, when the accumulated emotions of sixty-three years really begin to matter, we will need to convert those emotions into actionable intelligence. This is not the kind of intelligence that foreign correspondents find interesting. At some point, our own obsession with how we are viewed outside Pakistan, will have to be replaced with an obsession about how we are--period.
We're not well. Not good. Our self-inflicted wounds, the wounds inflicted by nature, and the wounds inflicted by the mortal enemies of the country--the TTP today, a country yesterday, another acronym tomorrow -- these wounds are bleeding. Everywhere you turn there is reason to despair--but the despair, in the absence of data, of knowledge and of commitment for change--is about as sinful as the crimes and misdemeanours that generate the despair in the first place.
The Sialkot lynching, and the mob violence and pyromania on display in Gojra on August 1 last year are the products of a legal system that tolerates the most rabid violations of human dignity for the sake of keeping the peace and political expediency. Even with all the blasphemy laws, and the problems that Zia's era infected the Constitution with in place, there is no possible legal space for vigilantism, or for violence in the name of morality, faith or any other kind of value or ethic. Yet every so often these incidents flare up our collective gluttony for scandal, and our genuine remorse, sorrow and anger.
Violence against minorities is not conducted by the Pakistani state. It is conducted by individuals who are jacked up on religious fervour, thanks to the cancerous oratory of the mullahs. In Sialkot, the kids may not have been from a minority sect, and the instigators, may not have been mullahs--but the formula remains the same. Once you ignite a fire in a mob there are two certainties. First, no one, including the state, will take on the mob. Second, that when all is said and done, the mob will have created a precedent for the next mob--a positive incentive to let its anger loose on whatever grates their sensibility at that time. The reason that precedent exists is simple. Nobody ever gets hanged for being part of a murderous mob.
Of course, murder is just the most extreme kind of a crime. Pakistani politicians frequently use the mullah paradigm to whip up a frenzy of ethnic fear and anger-- as is being done right now in Karachi and like they've done in Balochistan for decades. When Shaheed Mohtarma was murdered mobs went berserk, burning stores, banks and private property at will. When Shaheed Raza Haider was murdered, the same mobs, with different accents, did the same things.
The anger of mourning political workers, the anger of self-righteous Muslims, and the anger of ordinary Sialkotis is not morally equivalent. Of course it is not. But it is the same disease, the same cancer. They are all malignant because they expose the disability of the Pakistani people to construct state institutions that ensure punitive outcomes for criminals. To build Pakistan, criminals must face the consequences of their crimes.
If the global reaction to the most devastating floods in modern world history has not been a wakeup call for Pakistanis, then perhaps the brutality of the Sialkot lynching should. Inside and out, there's something broken about us.
So how do we fix it? How do we build something that is so broken? One way to proceed is to dive into an honest and forthright assessment of the ailments that plague us collectively. It seems we have every moral disease on the planet available here. Religious discrimination, apparently, doesn't even take a break during a flood. Nor does petty corruption and rent-seeking by cops and administrators. Nor does terrorism by Takfiri religious extremists. Nor does theft and dacoity and banditry. These are real problems, and they are not incidental.
Take Sialkot, mix it up with Balochistan, sprinkle in some Model Town, wrap it up in Data Darbar and FATA, roast what remains in the fires of Gojra, and then smoke it. Inhale deeply. How does it feel? Does it feel good to intoxicate ourselves with the failures and misery that we are defined routinely, as a people, by ourselves, and quite understandably, by others?
But how it feels is secondary. The question is, does it make a difference? Does it create a more functional society, a more effective state, a more capable government, more responsive institutions, or more accountable leaders? It doesn't at all. In fact, more often than not, the perpetual obsession to zone in and focus on individual stories like the horror in Sialkot is not a sign of our desire to effect change. It is infinitely more reflective of our gluttonous appetite for the most outrageous and scandalous images. So in the truest tradition of a national discourse that is almost entirely irrational, and almost entirely dependent on emotions, it isn't surprising that while Pakistan continues to drown in floodwaters that have still not stopped threatening Sindh, there is now a full-blown national introspection about the barbarity of Pakistani society. All 180 million of us, according to many, have collective guilt.
Maybe that is true. And maybe it is the exaggerated sentiment of people whose eyes watched what their minds and hearts could not bear. That is why I have yet to watch the video, and why I will never watch it.
What is certain is that the family of the two kids that were lynched by that crazed mob needs justice. That family deserves justice. The memory of those two boys on the other hand, deserves an outcome that protects this country's citizens from these kinds of attacks--everywhere.
That is a very tall order. The moral outrage we feel today is not new. In Gojra last summer, a mob went on a rampage and murdered eight innocent Pakistani citizens. It was too easy for the mainstream to make it a minority issue. It was a minority issue--those folks were targeted because they were Christian. But it was a larger public policy issue. In fact, if you are interested in solving these kinds of problems, it was, like Sialkot is, a purely public policy issue.
And in this, there is, I am afraid, no room for emotion. No room for sentimentality, or for self-righteousness, or for moral codes. There is only room for facts and the actions that those facts dictate. This is important.
If the country is feeling emotional about these atrocities, it is on the right track. Sooner or later, when the accumulated emotions of sixty-three years really begin to matter, we will need to convert those emotions into actionable intelligence. This is not the kind of intelligence that foreign correspondents find interesting. At some point, our own obsession with how we are viewed outside Pakistan, will have to be replaced with an obsession about how we are--period.
We're not well. Not good. Our self-inflicted wounds, the wounds inflicted by nature, and the wounds inflicted by the mortal enemies of the country--the TTP today, a country yesterday, another acronym tomorrow -- these wounds are bleeding. Everywhere you turn there is reason to despair--but the despair, in the absence of data, of knowledge and of commitment for change--is about as sinful as the crimes and misdemeanours that generate the despair in the first place.
The Sialkot lynching, and the mob violence and pyromania on display in Gojra on August 1 last year are the products of a legal system that tolerates the most rabid violations of human dignity for the sake of keeping the peace and political expediency. Even with all the blasphemy laws, and the problems that Zia's era infected the Constitution with in place, there is no possible legal space for vigilantism, or for violence in the name of morality, faith or any other kind of value or ethic. Yet every so often these incidents flare up our collective gluttony for scandal, and our genuine remorse, sorrow and anger.
Violence against minorities is not conducted by the Pakistani state. It is conducted by individuals who are jacked up on religious fervour, thanks to the cancerous oratory of the mullahs. In Sialkot, the kids may not have been from a minority sect, and the instigators, may not have been mullahs--but the formula remains the same. Once you ignite a fire in a mob there are two certainties. First, no one, including the state, will take on the mob. Second, that when all is said and done, the mob will have created a precedent for the next mob--a positive incentive to let its anger loose on whatever grates their sensibility at that time. The reason that precedent exists is simple. Nobody ever gets hanged for being part of a murderous mob.
Of course, murder is just the most extreme kind of a crime. Pakistani politicians frequently use the mullah paradigm to whip up a frenzy of ethnic fear and anger-- as is being done right now in Karachi and like they've done in Balochistan for decades. When Shaheed Mohtarma was murdered mobs went berserk, burning stores, banks and private property at will. When Shaheed Raza Haider was murdered, the same mobs, with different accents, did the same things.
The anger of mourning political workers, the anger of self-righteous Muslims, and the anger of ordinary Sialkotis is not morally equivalent. Of course it is not. But it is the same disease, the same cancer. They are all malignant because they expose the disability of the Pakistani people to construct state institutions that ensure punitive outcomes for criminals. To build Pakistan, criminals must face the consequences of their crimes.
The flood and the future
By Ameer Bhutto
The UN has described the devastation caused by the floods in Pakistan as one of the greatest disasters in history. The impact of lives lost cannot be assessed by numbers alone and damage to property is bound to soar into unfathomable figures. The plight of the displaced flood victims is harrowing. They are camped out under the blazing sun on elevated roadsides, rooftops or hillocks, surrounded by the raging waters. Some have been stranded in treetops for many days. Food and clean water are in short supply and many go for days without eating. The flood water they are constrained to drink is polluted by, among other things, dead animals because of which gastroenteritis, malaria, diarrhea, hepatitis and skin diseases are rampant. With tens of millions suffering under such subhuman conditions, it is clear that intervention on an unprecedented scale is required otherwise people will start dying from starvation and diseases in numbers that do not bear contemplation.
Rehabilitation of the displaced is a task of mammoth proportions. Since most schools in many towns are full of flood victims, these schools can not reopen until they return to their homes. But most of them have nothing left and nowhere to return to, their homes having been swept away and their limited means of livelihood, in most cases this being the standing crops, having been destroyed. How will they even begin to rebuild their lives? But their lives have to be rebuilt, because otherwise, in the coming days, we will have an army of millions on our hands who will have no choice but to take to crime in order to feed their families. Grain must be imported to make up for the destroyed crops and the damaged roads, railway tracks and power generating units and grid stations must be rebuilt forthwith. The country will suffer the economic after-effects of this calamity for years to come.
It is hard to imagine how this government will cope with the gargantuan task ahead. They got into power by capitalizing on the sympathy vote, but that was the easy part. Now they have to deliver. They were having a hard enough time running the affairs of state under 'normal' conditions. How will they cope now when millions of lives hang in the balance and new effective policies have to be thrashed out and efficiently implemented at break-neck speed and the country has to be effectively rebuilt? During their two and a half year tenure, this government has done nothing to inspire confidence for this great test that lies ahead. If the government jumps into the fray earnestly and is seen to be getting things done, the whole nation will stand behind it. Failure on this count is simply not an option and for that the government will have to bear criticism.
They have already made a bad start, with the Zardari choosing to vacation in Europe as the tragedy unfolds at home and Gilani wandering about cluelessly, not being able to tell the difference between real and fake relief camps. Instead of getting things done, the government is forming new bodies to deal with the disaster because we are now told the NDMC lost its legitimacy years ago. Then why was it allowed to continue operating? Why it was not replaced earlier? Shouldn't someone be held responsible for this blunder? And where are all the useless federal and provincial ministers and advisers? Why are these so-called representatives of the people not camped out on the dikes and barrages and standing in waist deep water to help those who need help? The role of the government is reduced to issuing evacuation calls, which amounts yelling 'run!' at the first sign of danger.
One hates to imagine how bad things might be if it were not for the jawans of the armed forces. They are doing all the work the government should be doing, from providing food and medical supplies to evacuating people. Without their efforts, the death toll could have doubled or even tripled. The Sindh home minister finds an easy submissive target in a public official to scold for not having toilets cleaned, but is unable to stop flood victims from being looted and their abandoned homes being ransacked, let alone stop the incessant carnage in Karachi. What is the government there for?
The institutions and agencies of state are dysfunctional even in conditions of normalcy, let alone in crisis. Governments, over the last few decades, have not only looted the state coffers but have also systematically undermined and eroded the foundations of state structures and institutions to extract political benefits so that now only skeletons remain. Why does the government not have enough doctors, engineers, rescue and relief staff and funds? Because the money allocated for such things is probably sitting in private bank accounts of politicians and public servants. As a result, when the nation needs these institutions of public service to function on a war footing, they can not because they have been drained of their blood.
Compounding the misery is the trust deficit this government is saddled with. This is not a bogey resurrected by the government's opponents or a biased media. It has been pointed out by the UN secretary general himself. Foreign aid is reduced to a trickle in comparison to the flow of funds in the wake of the earthquake in the north because of the stigma of corruption that taints our rulers on the global level. Can there be a greater national disgrace and humiliation than our elected government having to give assurances that it will not loot the aid funds?
Suggestions abound on how to resurrect the country from the ravages of the deluge, none of which are likely to be implemented. The man on the hill cannot even stomach the creation of a transparent flood commission comprised of clean and reputable persons. How can he be expected to suddenly develop the impulse to revolutionize Pakistan overnight? The prevailing cesspit-like atmosphere suits the purposes of this lot. Besides, if Gilani is totally dependant on Zardari for his political survival, then Zardari too is totally dependant on his foreign masters who are guided solely by their own interests. There are wheels within wheels.
The key to salvation, as always, lies in the hands of the people, perhaps now more so than ever before. They are in a state of shock now and are battling to survive against formidable odds. But when the waters recede and the few ministers, who occasionally make photo opportunity appearances, stop doing so and the people realize that they are alone, then what will they do? If they continue to bow and grovel like before, then nothing will change and the country will continue its slide down the slippery slope at a greatly accelerated pace. But if the sleeping Leviathan, the people, awaken, shed all shackles of servitude, confront those who treat them like cattle, and struggle for what is theirs by right, and if civil society joins them in their struggle, then there will be hope for a brighter tomorrow.
Postscript: The brutal murder of two boys in Sialkot, who were stripped half naked, beaten to death then hanged upside down in the street before hundreds of morbid onlookers, including policemen, is an act of unimaginable barbarism that erodes one's faith in mankind. What sort of monsters walk in our midst? As proud as we should be of our nation's generous response to the flood victims, this heinous crime must make us hang our heads in shame.
The UN has described the devastation caused by the floods in Pakistan as one of the greatest disasters in history. The impact of lives lost cannot be assessed by numbers alone and damage to property is bound to soar into unfathomable figures. The plight of the displaced flood victims is harrowing. They are camped out under the blazing sun on elevated roadsides, rooftops or hillocks, surrounded by the raging waters. Some have been stranded in treetops for many days. Food and clean water are in short supply and many go for days without eating. The flood water they are constrained to drink is polluted by, among other things, dead animals because of which gastroenteritis, malaria, diarrhea, hepatitis and skin diseases are rampant. With tens of millions suffering under such subhuman conditions, it is clear that intervention on an unprecedented scale is required otherwise people will start dying from starvation and diseases in numbers that do not bear contemplation.
Rehabilitation of the displaced is a task of mammoth proportions. Since most schools in many towns are full of flood victims, these schools can not reopen until they return to their homes. But most of them have nothing left and nowhere to return to, their homes having been swept away and their limited means of livelihood, in most cases this being the standing crops, having been destroyed. How will they even begin to rebuild their lives? But their lives have to be rebuilt, because otherwise, in the coming days, we will have an army of millions on our hands who will have no choice but to take to crime in order to feed their families. Grain must be imported to make up for the destroyed crops and the damaged roads, railway tracks and power generating units and grid stations must be rebuilt forthwith. The country will suffer the economic after-effects of this calamity for years to come.
It is hard to imagine how this government will cope with the gargantuan task ahead. They got into power by capitalizing on the sympathy vote, but that was the easy part. Now they have to deliver. They were having a hard enough time running the affairs of state under 'normal' conditions. How will they cope now when millions of lives hang in the balance and new effective policies have to be thrashed out and efficiently implemented at break-neck speed and the country has to be effectively rebuilt? During their two and a half year tenure, this government has done nothing to inspire confidence for this great test that lies ahead. If the government jumps into the fray earnestly and is seen to be getting things done, the whole nation will stand behind it. Failure on this count is simply not an option and for that the government will have to bear criticism.
They have already made a bad start, with the Zardari choosing to vacation in Europe as the tragedy unfolds at home and Gilani wandering about cluelessly, not being able to tell the difference between real and fake relief camps. Instead of getting things done, the government is forming new bodies to deal with the disaster because we are now told the NDMC lost its legitimacy years ago. Then why was it allowed to continue operating? Why it was not replaced earlier? Shouldn't someone be held responsible for this blunder? And where are all the useless federal and provincial ministers and advisers? Why are these so-called representatives of the people not camped out on the dikes and barrages and standing in waist deep water to help those who need help? The role of the government is reduced to issuing evacuation calls, which amounts yelling 'run!' at the first sign of danger.
One hates to imagine how bad things might be if it were not for the jawans of the armed forces. They are doing all the work the government should be doing, from providing food and medical supplies to evacuating people. Without their efforts, the death toll could have doubled or even tripled. The Sindh home minister finds an easy submissive target in a public official to scold for not having toilets cleaned, but is unable to stop flood victims from being looted and their abandoned homes being ransacked, let alone stop the incessant carnage in Karachi. What is the government there for?
The institutions and agencies of state are dysfunctional even in conditions of normalcy, let alone in crisis. Governments, over the last few decades, have not only looted the state coffers but have also systematically undermined and eroded the foundations of state structures and institutions to extract political benefits so that now only skeletons remain. Why does the government not have enough doctors, engineers, rescue and relief staff and funds? Because the money allocated for such things is probably sitting in private bank accounts of politicians and public servants. As a result, when the nation needs these institutions of public service to function on a war footing, they can not because they have been drained of their blood.
Compounding the misery is the trust deficit this government is saddled with. This is not a bogey resurrected by the government's opponents or a biased media. It has been pointed out by the UN secretary general himself. Foreign aid is reduced to a trickle in comparison to the flow of funds in the wake of the earthquake in the north because of the stigma of corruption that taints our rulers on the global level. Can there be a greater national disgrace and humiliation than our elected government having to give assurances that it will not loot the aid funds?
Suggestions abound on how to resurrect the country from the ravages of the deluge, none of which are likely to be implemented. The man on the hill cannot even stomach the creation of a transparent flood commission comprised of clean and reputable persons. How can he be expected to suddenly develop the impulse to revolutionize Pakistan overnight? The prevailing cesspit-like atmosphere suits the purposes of this lot. Besides, if Gilani is totally dependant on Zardari for his political survival, then Zardari too is totally dependant on his foreign masters who are guided solely by their own interests. There are wheels within wheels.
The key to salvation, as always, lies in the hands of the people, perhaps now more so than ever before. They are in a state of shock now and are battling to survive against formidable odds. But when the waters recede and the few ministers, who occasionally make photo opportunity appearances, stop doing so and the people realize that they are alone, then what will they do? If they continue to bow and grovel like before, then nothing will change and the country will continue its slide down the slippery slope at a greatly accelerated pace. But if the sleeping Leviathan, the people, awaken, shed all shackles of servitude, confront those who treat them like cattle, and struggle for what is theirs by right, and if civil society joins them in their struggle, then there will be hope for a brighter tomorrow.
Postscript: The brutal murder of two boys in Sialkot, who were stripped half naked, beaten to death then hanged upside down in the street before hundreds of morbid onlookers, including policemen, is an act of unimaginable barbarism that erodes one's faith in mankind. What sort of monsters walk in our midst? As proud as we should be of our nation's generous response to the flood victims, this heinous crime must make us hang our heads in shame.
The flood and the future
By Ameer Bhutto
The UN has described the devastation caused by the floods in Pakistan as one of the greatest disasters in history. The impact of lives lost cannot be assessed by numbers alone and damage to property is bound to soar into unfathomable figures. The plight of the displaced flood victims is harrowing. They are camped out under the blazing sun on elevated roadsides, rooftops or hillocks, surrounded by the raging waters. Some have been stranded in treetops for many days. Food and clean water are in short supply and many go for days without eating. The flood water they are constrained to drink is polluted by, among other things, dead animals because of which gastroenteritis, malaria, diarrhea, hepatitis and skin diseases are rampant. With tens of millions suffering under such subhuman conditions, it is clear that intervention on an unprecedented scale is required otherwise people will start dying from starvation and diseases in numbers that do not bear contemplation.
Rehabilitation of the displaced is a task of mammoth proportions. Since most schools in many towns are full of flood victims, these schools can not reopen until they return to their homes. But most of them have nothing left and nowhere to return to, their homes having been swept away and their limited means of livelihood, in most cases this being the standing crops, having been destroyed. How will they even begin to rebuild their lives? But their lives have to be rebuilt, because otherwise, in the coming days, we will have an army of millions on our hands who will have no choice but to take to crime in order to feed their families. Grain must be imported to make up for the destroyed crops and the damaged roads, railway tracks and power generating units and grid stations must be rebuilt forthwith. The country will suffer the economic after-effects of this calamity for years to come.
It is hard to imagine how this government will cope with the gargantuan task ahead. They got into power by capitalizing on the sympathy vote, but that was the easy part. Now they have to deliver. They were having a hard enough time running the affairs of state under 'normal' conditions. How will they cope now when millions of lives hang in the balance and new effective policies have to be thrashed out and efficiently implemented at break-neck speed and the country has to be effectively rebuilt? During their two and a half year tenure, this government has done nothing to inspire confidence for this great test that lies ahead. If the government jumps into the fray earnestly and is seen to be getting things done, the whole nation will stand behind it. Failure on this count is simply not an option and for that the government will have to bear criticism.
They have already made a bad start, with the Zardari choosing to vacation in Europe as the tragedy unfolds at home and Gilani wandering about cluelessly, not being able to tell the difference between real and fake relief camps. Instead of getting things done, the government is forming new bodies to deal with the disaster because we are now told the NDMC lost its legitimacy years ago. Then why was it allowed to continue operating? Why it was not replaced earlier? Shouldn't someone be held responsible for this blunder? And where are all the useless federal and provincial ministers and advisers? Why are these so-called representatives of the people not camped out on the dikes and barrages and standing in waist deep water to help those who need help? The role of the government is reduced to issuing evacuation calls, which amounts yelling 'run!' at the first sign of danger.
One hates to imagine how bad things might be if it were not for the jawans of the armed forces. They are doing all the work the government should be doing, from providing food and medical supplies to evacuating people. Without their efforts, the death toll could have doubled or even tripled. The Sindh home minister finds an easy submissive target in a public official to scold for not having toilets cleaned, but is unable to stop flood victims from being looted and their abandoned homes being ransacked, let alone stop the incessant carnage in Karachi. What is the government there for?
The institutions and agencies of state are dysfunctional even in conditions of normalcy, let alone in crisis. Governments, over the last few decades, have not only looted the state coffers but have also systematically undermined and eroded the foundations of state structures and institutions to extract political benefits so that now only skeletons remain. Why does the government not have enough doctors, engineers, rescue and relief staff and funds? Because the money allocated for such things is probably sitting in private bank accounts of politicians and public servants. As a result, when the nation needs these institutions of public service to function on a war footing, they can not because they have been drained of their blood.
Compounding the misery is the trust deficit this government is saddled with. This is not a bogey resurrected by the government's opponents or a biased media. It has been pointed out by the UN secretary general himself. Foreign aid is reduced to a trickle in comparison to the flow of funds in the wake of the earthquake in the north because of the stigma of corruption that taints our rulers on the global level. Can there be a greater national disgrace and humiliation than our elected government having to give assurances that it will not loot the aid funds?
Suggestions abound on how to resurrect the country from the ravages of the deluge, none of which are likely to be implemented. The man on the hill cannot even stomach the creation of a transparent flood commission comprised of clean and reputable persons. How can he be expected to suddenly develop the impulse to revolutionize Pakistan overnight? The prevailing cesspit-like atmosphere suits the purposes of this lot. Besides, if Gilani is totally dependant on Zardari for his political survival, then Zardari too is totally dependant on his foreign masters who are guided solely by their own interests. There are wheels within wheels.
The key to salvation, as always, lies in the hands of the people, perhaps now more so than ever before. They are in a state of shock now and are battling to survive against formidable odds. But when the waters recede and the few ministers, who occasionally make photo opportunity appearances, stop doing so and the people realize that they are alone, then what will they do? If they continue to bow and grovel like before, then nothing will change and the country will continue its slide down the slippery slope at a greatly accelerated pace. But if the sleeping Leviathan, the people, awaken, shed all shackles of servitude, confront those who treat them like cattle, and struggle for what is theirs by right, and if civil society joins them in their struggle, then there will be hope for a brighter tomorrow.
Postscript: The brutal murder of two boys in Sialkot, who were stripped half naked, beaten to death then hanged upside down in the street before hundreds of morbid onlookers, including policemen, is an act of unimaginable barbarism that erodes one's faith in mankind. What sort of monsters walk in our midst? As proud as we should be of our nation's generous response to the flood victims, this heinous crime must make us hang our heads in shame.
The UN has described the devastation caused by the floods in Pakistan as one of the greatest disasters in history. The impact of lives lost cannot be assessed by numbers alone and damage to property is bound to soar into unfathomable figures. The plight of the displaced flood victims is harrowing. They are camped out under the blazing sun on elevated roadsides, rooftops or hillocks, surrounded by the raging waters. Some have been stranded in treetops for many days. Food and clean water are in short supply and many go for days without eating. The flood water they are constrained to drink is polluted by, among other things, dead animals because of which gastroenteritis, malaria, diarrhea, hepatitis and skin diseases are rampant. With tens of millions suffering under such subhuman conditions, it is clear that intervention on an unprecedented scale is required otherwise people will start dying from starvation and diseases in numbers that do not bear contemplation.
Rehabilitation of the displaced is a task of mammoth proportions. Since most schools in many towns are full of flood victims, these schools can not reopen until they return to their homes. But most of them have nothing left and nowhere to return to, their homes having been swept away and their limited means of livelihood, in most cases this being the standing crops, having been destroyed. How will they even begin to rebuild their lives? But their lives have to be rebuilt, because otherwise, in the coming days, we will have an army of millions on our hands who will have no choice but to take to crime in order to feed their families. Grain must be imported to make up for the destroyed crops and the damaged roads, railway tracks and power generating units and grid stations must be rebuilt forthwith. The country will suffer the economic after-effects of this calamity for years to come.
It is hard to imagine how this government will cope with the gargantuan task ahead. They got into power by capitalizing on the sympathy vote, but that was the easy part. Now they have to deliver. They were having a hard enough time running the affairs of state under 'normal' conditions. How will they cope now when millions of lives hang in the balance and new effective policies have to be thrashed out and efficiently implemented at break-neck speed and the country has to be effectively rebuilt? During their two and a half year tenure, this government has done nothing to inspire confidence for this great test that lies ahead. If the government jumps into the fray earnestly and is seen to be getting things done, the whole nation will stand behind it. Failure on this count is simply not an option and for that the government will have to bear criticism.
They have already made a bad start, with the Zardari choosing to vacation in Europe as the tragedy unfolds at home and Gilani wandering about cluelessly, not being able to tell the difference between real and fake relief camps. Instead of getting things done, the government is forming new bodies to deal with the disaster because we are now told the NDMC lost its legitimacy years ago. Then why was it allowed to continue operating? Why it was not replaced earlier? Shouldn't someone be held responsible for this blunder? And where are all the useless federal and provincial ministers and advisers? Why are these so-called representatives of the people not camped out on the dikes and barrages and standing in waist deep water to help those who need help? The role of the government is reduced to issuing evacuation calls, which amounts yelling 'run!' at the first sign of danger.
One hates to imagine how bad things might be if it were not for the jawans of the armed forces. They are doing all the work the government should be doing, from providing food and medical supplies to evacuating people. Without their efforts, the death toll could have doubled or even tripled. The Sindh home minister finds an easy submissive target in a public official to scold for not having toilets cleaned, but is unable to stop flood victims from being looted and their abandoned homes being ransacked, let alone stop the incessant carnage in Karachi. What is the government there for?
The institutions and agencies of state are dysfunctional even in conditions of normalcy, let alone in crisis. Governments, over the last few decades, have not only looted the state coffers but have also systematically undermined and eroded the foundations of state structures and institutions to extract political benefits so that now only skeletons remain. Why does the government not have enough doctors, engineers, rescue and relief staff and funds? Because the money allocated for such things is probably sitting in private bank accounts of politicians and public servants. As a result, when the nation needs these institutions of public service to function on a war footing, they can not because they have been drained of their blood.
Compounding the misery is the trust deficit this government is saddled with. This is not a bogey resurrected by the government's opponents or a biased media. It has been pointed out by the UN secretary general himself. Foreign aid is reduced to a trickle in comparison to the flow of funds in the wake of the earthquake in the north because of the stigma of corruption that taints our rulers on the global level. Can there be a greater national disgrace and humiliation than our elected government having to give assurances that it will not loot the aid funds?
Suggestions abound on how to resurrect the country from the ravages of the deluge, none of which are likely to be implemented. The man on the hill cannot even stomach the creation of a transparent flood commission comprised of clean and reputable persons. How can he be expected to suddenly develop the impulse to revolutionize Pakistan overnight? The prevailing cesspit-like atmosphere suits the purposes of this lot. Besides, if Gilani is totally dependant on Zardari for his political survival, then Zardari too is totally dependant on his foreign masters who are guided solely by their own interests. There are wheels within wheels.
The key to salvation, as always, lies in the hands of the people, perhaps now more so than ever before. They are in a state of shock now and are battling to survive against formidable odds. But when the waters recede and the few ministers, who occasionally make photo opportunity appearances, stop doing so and the people realize that they are alone, then what will they do? If they continue to bow and grovel like before, then nothing will change and the country will continue its slide down the slippery slope at a greatly accelerated pace. But if the sleeping Leviathan, the people, awaken, shed all shackles of servitude, confront those who treat them like cattle, and struggle for what is theirs by right, and if civil society joins them in their struggle, then there will be hope for a brighter tomorrow.
Postscript: The brutal murder of two boys in Sialkot, who were stripped half naked, beaten to death then hanged upside down in the street before hundreds of morbid onlookers, including policemen, is an act of unimaginable barbarism that erodes one's faith in mankind. What sort of monsters walk in our midst? As proud as we should be of our nation's generous response to the flood victims, this heinous crime must make us hang our heads in shame.
Aug 21, 2010
Too slow to save
The authorities need to introduce low-cost
techniques of construction and also give subsidies to the flood-affected people
By Alauddin Masood
The recent flood is the biggest humanitarian crisis in the country’s history. The UN estimated that up to 500,000 people are homeless and 1.4 million acres of agricultural land has been destroyed in central Punjab, but added damage was worst in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.
According to Federal Flood Control (FFC) data, over 289,086 houses have been destroyed or partially damaged with 3,610,735 persons affected by flash floods across the country. FFC says the floods affected 4,772 villages, including 1,472 in Punjab, 468 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 2584 in Balochistan and 193 in Gilgit-Baltistan.
According to officials, some 1,400 persons have perished in the floods, which have caused incalculable damage to agriculture and to the infrastructure, in particular the roads and bridges. There have been reports of death due to starvation and disease. The authorities will need to answer for its failure to take timely steps to tackle the floods.
The torrential rains and devastating floods have also badly affected the agriculture sector. According to some circles, the cotton crop alone is likely to suffer a loss of five billion rupees. Initially, it was estimated that due to increase in the area under cotton, Pakistan would have 14 million bales of cotton this year, but some 1.5 million bales have already been damaged by the unprecedented floods. Consequently, this has pushed up the price of cotton, with an increase of Rs800 per maund to Rs7,000 per maund in Punjab and with an increase of about Rs400 per maund to Rs6,300 per maund in Sindh. In the coming months, analysts say, the price of cotton could increase further.
Pakistan is the fourth largest producer of cotton, producing about 10 percent of its total global production. Cotton provides raw material to Pakistan’s 337 textile mills, some 1500 ginning factories and about 5000 oil mills. Cotton and its value added products contribute over 53 percent to Pakistan’s annual export income. A couple of indigenous industries, such as pharmaceutical, soap, chemical, and feed industries, rely on cotton by-products. Besides, cotton provides livelihood to 1.5 million farming families and jobs to 40 percent of labour force. In view of its contribution to the economy, cotton is often called the life-blood of Pakistan’s economy.
While an estimate of flood-related losses can be made only after the waters recede, apparently these are beyond the country’s resources. The natural calamity has tremendously added to the woes of people, who are already groaning under poverty, inflation and sky rocketing prices. Meanwhile, the number of hungry people in the country has increased to 77 million, while 36 percent of Pakistan’s population has been badly affected by poverty and millions of them do not have food security. The rising hunger could increase the incidents of violence in the country, according to Woodrow Wilson Centre of America.
The global response to recent floods has been lukewarm, while the country itself lacks resources to tackle the floods and to mitigate the sufferings of the millions of its citizens. This brings to the fore the need to launch well-concerted efforts for alleviating poverty and generating funds to meet such unforeseen calamities in future.
Confronted with natural calamities, some countries could succeed in converting crisis situations into opportunities. For example, in early twentieth century when London (UK) faced plague and a devastating fire, the city fathers grabbed the opportunity for building a modern and planned metropolis on the grounds of the old town.
Likewise, Pakistan needs to plan in a way that the people could reap the benefits of modern day living. Instead of old kucha houses they need to be facilitated to own sturdy houses built with concrete; and instead of the old decaying infrastructure they need to be provided with modern infrastructure that caters to the needs of the future as well.
For the houses, the authorities need to introduce low cost techniques of construction and also give subsidies to the flood-affected people and vulnerable segments that opt for concrete-built houses. For building infrastructure, emulating the precedent set by the Sialkot Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the local chamber of commerce and industry in every district should take the lead in replacing the dilapidated infrastructure with new sophisticated network.
If the Sialkot Chamber could build and operate on a self-help basis, an international airport and also contribute in upgrading their city’s road network while contributing to providing health and education facilities to the people why other chambers of commerce and industry could not do so. Apparently, some of the chambers are more affluent than their counterpart in Sialkot. At least, the chambers of commerce could take the lead in converting the indigenous raw materials into high value added products and market the same abroad..
In the economic development and prosperity of nations, "value addition" has played the role of a catalyst, laying the base for fast track development and rapid progress and prosperity by engaging the people in fruitful ventures. The nations which learnt this early, now dominate the economic horizon, irrespective of their numbers and the size of their country, as developed countries of the world.
Value addition, however, depends upon the quality of human resources of a nation. The higher the literacy and skill levels, the better would be the prospects for a nation to add value to its products/raw materials. On the other hand, the nations with low levels of literacy and skills have no option but to export their materials in raw form.
In a highly competitive world, the exports of countries in the second category naturally do not earn sufficient foreign exchange. According to economists, the countries in this category are destined to remain poor and at the bottom level on the development index of nations unless they transform themselves into robust industrial nations and increase their export earnings.
In agricultural production, Pakistan ranks amongst the top 10 countries of the world. Pakistan produces one of the best varieties of rice, which is universally acclaimed for its aroma and good taste. It is the fourth top producer of cotton and the fifth top producer in mangoes and dates, while its Kinnow is rated among the best citrus fruits in the world. Still, Pakistan’s gross domestic product and, in particular, its exports, are neither commensurate with its agricultural potential nor its size and the number of its people.
In fact, these are abysmally low as even the exports of many medium-sized multinational companies are more than that of Pakistan’s total exports. Due to low exports, every year, the country faces a huge trade deficit, which remained around 18-20 billion dollars during the last few years.
Pakistan loses about 110-120 billion rupees annually because a majority of its farmers, being illiterate, are still using primitive farming techniques and inefficient technological practices. As the country exports bulk of its produce without any substantial value addition, it is not able to earn foreign exchange commensurate with its actual agricultural potential.
Take Pakistani mangoes, these are acclaimed the world over because of good aroma, excellent taste and almost total absence of fibre content, but the country exports some 6.0 percent of its annual production while 40 percent of the mangoes never reach the market due to spoilage and poor handling. The situation is not very different when one looks at the export of dates, honey, vegetables and animal stock. Likewise, Pakistan could do much better in rice and substantially increase its export earnings if it could increase the yield, reduce the cost of production and market the crop more scientifically.
The country can easily curtail the losses, accruing from spoilage at the farms and poor handling of the produce, by adopting modern techniques of sowing, harvesting, irrigation, processing, packing and marketing, which are, presently, the main factors contributing to inflation.
We can enter into the realm of high value addition only if we have a sizeable number of businessmen who are educated and high quality professionals who are also fully aware of the advantages of recruiting educated and highly skilled work force.
techniques of construction and also give subsidies to the flood-affected people
By Alauddin Masood
The recent flood is the biggest humanitarian crisis in the country’s history. The UN estimated that up to 500,000 people are homeless and 1.4 million acres of agricultural land has been destroyed in central Punjab, but added damage was worst in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.
According to Federal Flood Control (FFC) data, over 289,086 houses have been destroyed or partially damaged with 3,610,735 persons affected by flash floods across the country. FFC says the floods affected 4,772 villages, including 1,472 in Punjab, 468 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 2584 in Balochistan and 193 in Gilgit-Baltistan.
According to officials, some 1,400 persons have perished in the floods, which have caused incalculable damage to agriculture and to the infrastructure, in particular the roads and bridges. There have been reports of death due to starvation and disease. The authorities will need to answer for its failure to take timely steps to tackle the floods.
The torrential rains and devastating floods have also badly affected the agriculture sector. According to some circles, the cotton crop alone is likely to suffer a loss of five billion rupees. Initially, it was estimated that due to increase in the area under cotton, Pakistan would have 14 million bales of cotton this year, but some 1.5 million bales have already been damaged by the unprecedented floods. Consequently, this has pushed up the price of cotton, with an increase of Rs800 per maund to Rs7,000 per maund in Punjab and with an increase of about Rs400 per maund to Rs6,300 per maund in Sindh. In the coming months, analysts say, the price of cotton could increase further.
Pakistan is the fourth largest producer of cotton, producing about 10 percent of its total global production. Cotton provides raw material to Pakistan’s 337 textile mills, some 1500 ginning factories and about 5000 oil mills. Cotton and its value added products contribute over 53 percent to Pakistan’s annual export income. A couple of indigenous industries, such as pharmaceutical, soap, chemical, and feed industries, rely on cotton by-products. Besides, cotton provides livelihood to 1.5 million farming families and jobs to 40 percent of labour force. In view of its contribution to the economy, cotton is often called the life-blood of Pakistan’s economy.
While an estimate of flood-related losses can be made only after the waters recede, apparently these are beyond the country’s resources. The natural calamity has tremendously added to the woes of people, who are already groaning under poverty, inflation and sky rocketing prices. Meanwhile, the number of hungry people in the country has increased to 77 million, while 36 percent of Pakistan’s population has been badly affected by poverty and millions of them do not have food security. The rising hunger could increase the incidents of violence in the country, according to Woodrow Wilson Centre of America.
The global response to recent floods has been lukewarm, while the country itself lacks resources to tackle the floods and to mitigate the sufferings of the millions of its citizens. This brings to the fore the need to launch well-concerted efforts for alleviating poverty and generating funds to meet such unforeseen calamities in future.
Confronted with natural calamities, some countries could succeed in converting crisis situations into opportunities. For example, in early twentieth century when London (UK) faced plague and a devastating fire, the city fathers grabbed the opportunity for building a modern and planned metropolis on the grounds of the old town.
Likewise, Pakistan needs to plan in a way that the people could reap the benefits of modern day living. Instead of old kucha houses they need to be facilitated to own sturdy houses built with concrete; and instead of the old decaying infrastructure they need to be provided with modern infrastructure that caters to the needs of the future as well.
For the houses, the authorities need to introduce low cost techniques of construction and also give subsidies to the flood-affected people and vulnerable segments that opt for concrete-built houses. For building infrastructure, emulating the precedent set by the Sialkot Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the local chamber of commerce and industry in every district should take the lead in replacing the dilapidated infrastructure with new sophisticated network.
If the Sialkot Chamber could build and operate on a self-help basis, an international airport and also contribute in upgrading their city’s road network while contributing to providing health and education facilities to the people why other chambers of commerce and industry could not do so. Apparently, some of the chambers are more affluent than their counterpart in Sialkot. At least, the chambers of commerce could take the lead in converting the indigenous raw materials into high value added products and market the same abroad..
In the economic development and prosperity of nations, "value addition" has played the role of a catalyst, laying the base for fast track development and rapid progress and prosperity by engaging the people in fruitful ventures. The nations which learnt this early, now dominate the economic horizon, irrespective of their numbers and the size of their country, as developed countries of the world.
Value addition, however, depends upon the quality of human resources of a nation. The higher the literacy and skill levels, the better would be the prospects for a nation to add value to its products/raw materials. On the other hand, the nations with low levels of literacy and skills have no option but to export their materials in raw form.
In a highly competitive world, the exports of countries in the second category naturally do not earn sufficient foreign exchange. According to economists, the countries in this category are destined to remain poor and at the bottom level on the development index of nations unless they transform themselves into robust industrial nations and increase their export earnings.
In agricultural production, Pakistan ranks amongst the top 10 countries of the world. Pakistan produces one of the best varieties of rice, which is universally acclaimed for its aroma and good taste. It is the fourth top producer of cotton and the fifth top producer in mangoes and dates, while its Kinnow is rated among the best citrus fruits in the world. Still, Pakistan’s gross domestic product and, in particular, its exports, are neither commensurate with its agricultural potential nor its size and the number of its people.
In fact, these are abysmally low as even the exports of many medium-sized multinational companies are more than that of Pakistan’s total exports. Due to low exports, every year, the country faces a huge trade deficit, which remained around 18-20 billion dollars during the last few years.
Pakistan loses about 110-120 billion rupees annually because a majority of its farmers, being illiterate, are still using primitive farming techniques and inefficient technological practices. As the country exports bulk of its produce without any substantial value addition, it is not able to earn foreign exchange commensurate with its actual agricultural potential.
Take Pakistani mangoes, these are acclaimed the world over because of good aroma, excellent taste and almost total absence of fibre content, but the country exports some 6.0 percent of its annual production while 40 percent of the mangoes never reach the market due to spoilage and poor handling. The situation is not very different when one looks at the export of dates, honey, vegetables and animal stock. Likewise, Pakistan could do much better in rice and substantially increase its export earnings if it could increase the yield, reduce the cost of production and market the crop more scientifically.
The country can easily curtail the losses, accruing from spoilage at the farms and poor handling of the produce, by adopting modern techniques of sowing, harvesting, irrigation, processing, packing and marketing, which are, presently, the main factors contributing to inflation.
We can enter into the realm of high value addition only if we have a sizeable number of businessmen who are educated and high quality professionals who are also fully aware of the advantages of recruiting educated and highly skilled work force.
Avenues of prosperous transformation
By Arshed H. Bhatti
This essay offers some food for thought on the occasion of Pakistan’s Independence Day, primarily to the political leadership and the media. The government functionaries responsible for informing and implementing public policy could also benefit from it only if they are taking a break from their routine I-know-all approach.
The core function of a democratic government is to come up with imaginative solutions to complex problems that afflict vulnerable individuals and weaker groups in a country. Various solutions doing the rounds fail on two grounds: they don’t incorporate the wisdom and learning of the sufferer of a problem; and, they do not relate to the socially-shared memory and the cultural metaphor of the people, and failing to seep in peoples’ minds, succumb to the so called ‘lack of ownership’.
The proposed measures spring from locally familiar metaphors and could attain quick currency like Z. A. Bhutto’s roti, kapda aur makan. They are: har shajar ba samar (every tree bears fruit); harkat mein barkat (moving about is auspicious) & safar vaseela e zafar (mobility empowers); Ilm-o-hunar den kasab (knowledge & skills ensure gainful work); khel or mael-jol se sehat or ulfat (sports & interaction add to health & healthy bonding); and, apna ghar to kya fikr (shelter keeps away stress)!
The potential popularity notwithstanding, these steps articulate new promise by the State to its people and have multiple, crosscutting benefits to individuals, economy, society, culture and ecology. There is apparent, and by design bias for the disadvantaged women and young of Pakistan, who have dreams and potential but not avenues and opportunities.
These steps are not likely to be easy bite for the dominant interests who have ruled the roost without accountability. But the government can reinvent its image by taking them up to prove it is genuinely peoples’ government with foresight, passion for progress, commitment to the prosperity and well-being of people. Their implementation is possible with available resources and ‘new allocations’ are not required as private sector would be delighted to invest in these transformative opportunities.
Green Pakistan
The idea is to use trees to alleviate poverty, change the economic dynamics and take the green cover to 30 percent in a decade. A set of dozen trees, allotted to women and men below the poverty line, who using them as ‘trade-able entitlements’ could access micro-credit at favourable terms and enter in a well-designed loop of medium enterprises based on newly acquired skills. It will also be tangible instrument of social security and bankable collateral for the poorest of Pakistan.
The set of trees will have a prudent mix of fruit, timber, medicinal and ornamental trees. Planted in conducive commons, these will be managed like collectives by skilled gardeners, trained from the hitherto excluded labour force. The banking institutions, on the pattern of future buying, can offer credits in lieu of the anticipated future yield to the virtual owners. One has worked out the details according to which in 10 to 15 years, we shall have bagh bahar Pakistan with positive implications for energy, environment, climate change, livelihoods, reduced import of green products (vegetable oil, tea, coffee etc), and beauty of the urban and rural landscapes of poor-less Pakistan.
Active Pakistan
Women in particular and poor in general fail to fulfill aspirations and realize potential to contribute to national produce because of no, low, limited, restricted or denied mobility, both in soft and hard terms. Soft hurdles in mobility comprise social & cultural barriers present in the name of custom, tradition or honour; whereas the hard hurdles to mobility imply absence or lack of physical facilities that enable movement, travel and transportation of people and goods from home to work and market place.
National Mobility Plan, with unfaltering resolve to ease and increase mobility in all aspects for youth, women, and physically challenged is the answer. Late Z A Bhutto introduced nominal rent from students, starting with a token 10 paisas for travel within 20 km, which enabled many to seek education (one is beneficiary of that initiative). The NMP entails integrated sub-initiatives that encourage families to allow mobility to those who have traditionally been denied in culturally sensitive and socially supportive manner.
This can start with small steps like the provision of bicycles and motorcycles to women and footpaths that encourage people to walk by choice and with comfort. In mega steps, like mass transit in big cities, private investments can be mobilised in due course. Such infrastructure will increase economic activity, trading and invite foreign investments.
It will increase peoples` chances and choices to participate in societal and economic spheres more meaningfully, and will positively influence country’s oil import bill, traffic congestions, accidents, pollution, labour participation, social mobility, urban migration, and many more.
Meet the youth
Public policy tends to view youth as problem that needs to be fixed; not as promise that needs to be fulfilled. Plenty of raw energies of youth do not find productive, playful and positive outlets. Investments enabling creative and productive channelising of their energies are the answer and will have far reaching social and economic benefits.
Well thought out, adequately regulated and duly facilitated participation in local, cultural, and socially celebrated adventures and sports will dissuade the young from street crimes and militancy. Similarly, this will allow young women to put their energies and lives to more fulfilling use.
The in-country tourism through adventure, sports & holidays will contribute to improved understanding of ‘the other’ compatriots and lead to increased national harmony.
Every town in Pakistan can be encouraged to build Adventure-Sports-Tourism (AST) plans and corporate entities with business roots and interests in respective localities can be encouraged to support and sponsors such plans. In the long term, the adventure and sports strands will contribute to Pakistan`s emerging as leader on the Olympic results’ table. The increased tourism would wash away threats of terrorism and generate economic activities for young who otherwise may drift to dangerous elements and paths.
Skilled Pakistan
Offering opportunities to young persons without providing them requisite skills and abilities is like offering the hungry persons half-baked, half burnt breads: they have it, but can`t eat it! That is how many official projects end up like.
This initiative entails that ability to take part in economic activity is provided to every deserving citizen through national movement for Skilled Pakistan, whereby all the youth (15-29) in Pakistan must be imparted with essential literacy, and locally tradable skills. The results will turn the colossal challenge of unemployment on its head.
Areas of skill provision can be in i) creative industries (film, music, theatre: production, management, marketing); ii) agribusiness (value addition in cultivation, processing, and trading of exportable commodities); iii) productive use of information/ web based technologies; iv) urban affairs (construction, maintenance; caretaking); v) volunteerism; vi) community rooted policing and dispute resolution.
Private enterprise can be encouraged to invest in lieu of tax incentives. There have been isolated efforts and remarkable failures; the new initiative must learn from those.
Housing for all
This is the most revolutionary step, will require firm political resolve as this will ruffle established, institutional, dominant and hitherto unchallenged interests (read Army -:); but it could single handedly help realize makan part of PPP’s original slogan while generating needed resources also.
The initiative will provide dignified & affordable housing to all families through integrated strategies that will require a) redesigning & realigning of construction & living patterns; b) public interest, efficient use of public lands in urban & rural areas; and, c) terminating the award of public lands as part of perks & privileges to retiring civil & military officials (i.e., no more DHAs). These steps will jointly yield physical space and financial resources to do it well.
As first step, a popular campaign is needed to encourage shared & efficient use of space, energy friendly, light on earth, community housing; as well as persuading people to break away from conspicuous consumption for prudent dwelling. The second step, Reclaiming of Public Lands Act by the Parliament, will put Cantonments under civilian control and allow buying back of the agriculture lands allotted as parting gifts. The third step will encourage public-private partnership with specific standards to ensure the benefits reach across classes and government provides housing to all equitably, without spending single rupee from the exchequer. This step will help break the builders’ cartels and introduce new players and innovative construction technologies.
Taking cities to suburbs
The rural-urban migration and urban slums result from absence of city like facilities in the urban fringes and rural areas, such as cafés, public parks, community centres, libraries, cinemas, shopping malls, health clubs: and that is the solution. This, in combination with increased mobility will help spread the populations away from cities.
The modernized fringes will keep potential migrants locally engaged and positively impact health, education and other social sectors. That is my vision of a benazir (unprecedented) Pakistan.
This essay offers some food for thought on the occasion of Pakistan’s Independence Day, primarily to the political leadership and the media. The government functionaries responsible for informing and implementing public policy could also benefit from it only if they are taking a break from their routine I-know-all approach.
The core function of a democratic government is to come up with imaginative solutions to complex problems that afflict vulnerable individuals and weaker groups in a country. Various solutions doing the rounds fail on two grounds: they don’t incorporate the wisdom and learning of the sufferer of a problem; and, they do not relate to the socially-shared memory and the cultural metaphor of the people, and failing to seep in peoples’ minds, succumb to the so called ‘lack of ownership’.
The proposed measures spring from locally familiar metaphors and could attain quick currency like Z. A. Bhutto’s roti, kapda aur makan. They are: har shajar ba samar (every tree bears fruit); harkat mein barkat (moving about is auspicious) & safar vaseela e zafar (mobility empowers); Ilm-o-hunar den kasab (knowledge & skills ensure gainful work); khel or mael-jol se sehat or ulfat (sports & interaction add to health & healthy bonding); and, apna ghar to kya fikr (shelter keeps away stress)!
The potential popularity notwithstanding, these steps articulate new promise by the State to its people and have multiple, crosscutting benefits to individuals, economy, society, culture and ecology. There is apparent, and by design bias for the disadvantaged women and young of Pakistan, who have dreams and potential but not avenues and opportunities.
These steps are not likely to be easy bite for the dominant interests who have ruled the roost without accountability. But the government can reinvent its image by taking them up to prove it is genuinely peoples’ government with foresight, passion for progress, commitment to the prosperity and well-being of people. Their implementation is possible with available resources and ‘new allocations’ are not required as private sector would be delighted to invest in these transformative opportunities.
Green Pakistan
The idea is to use trees to alleviate poverty, change the economic dynamics and take the green cover to 30 percent in a decade. A set of dozen trees, allotted to women and men below the poverty line, who using them as ‘trade-able entitlements’ could access micro-credit at favourable terms and enter in a well-designed loop of medium enterprises based on newly acquired skills. It will also be tangible instrument of social security and bankable collateral for the poorest of Pakistan.
The set of trees will have a prudent mix of fruit, timber, medicinal and ornamental trees. Planted in conducive commons, these will be managed like collectives by skilled gardeners, trained from the hitherto excluded labour force. The banking institutions, on the pattern of future buying, can offer credits in lieu of the anticipated future yield to the virtual owners. One has worked out the details according to which in 10 to 15 years, we shall have bagh bahar Pakistan with positive implications for energy, environment, climate change, livelihoods, reduced import of green products (vegetable oil, tea, coffee etc), and beauty of the urban and rural landscapes of poor-less Pakistan.
Active Pakistan
Women in particular and poor in general fail to fulfill aspirations and realize potential to contribute to national produce because of no, low, limited, restricted or denied mobility, both in soft and hard terms. Soft hurdles in mobility comprise social & cultural barriers present in the name of custom, tradition or honour; whereas the hard hurdles to mobility imply absence or lack of physical facilities that enable movement, travel and transportation of people and goods from home to work and market place.
National Mobility Plan, with unfaltering resolve to ease and increase mobility in all aspects for youth, women, and physically challenged is the answer. Late Z A Bhutto introduced nominal rent from students, starting with a token 10 paisas for travel within 20 km, which enabled many to seek education (one is beneficiary of that initiative). The NMP entails integrated sub-initiatives that encourage families to allow mobility to those who have traditionally been denied in culturally sensitive and socially supportive manner.
This can start with small steps like the provision of bicycles and motorcycles to women and footpaths that encourage people to walk by choice and with comfort. In mega steps, like mass transit in big cities, private investments can be mobilised in due course. Such infrastructure will increase economic activity, trading and invite foreign investments.
It will increase peoples` chances and choices to participate in societal and economic spheres more meaningfully, and will positively influence country’s oil import bill, traffic congestions, accidents, pollution, labour participation, social mobility, urban migration, and many more.
Meet the youth
Public policy tends to view youth as problem that needs to be fixed; not as promise that needs to be fulfilled. Plenty of raw energies of youth do not find productive, playful and positive outlets. Investments enabling creative and productive channelising of their energies are the answer and will have far reaching social and economic benefits.
Well thought out, adequately regulated and duly facilitated participation in local, cultural, and socially celebrated adventures and sports will dissuade the young from street crimes and militancy. Similarly, this will allow young women to put their energies and lives to more fulfilling use.
The in-country tourism through adventure, sports & holidays will contribute to improved understanding of ‘the other’ compatriots and lead to increased national harmony.
Every town in Pakistan can be encouraged to build Adventure-Sports-Tourism (AST) plans and corporate entities with business roots and interests in respective localities can be encouraged to support and sponsors such plans. In the long term, the adventure and sports strands will contribute to Pakistan`s emerging as leader on the Olympic results’ table. The increased tourism would wash away threats of terrorism and generate economic activities for young who otherwise may drift to dangerous elements and paths.
Skilled Pakistan
Offering opportunities to young persons without providing them requisite skills and abilities is like offering the hungry persons half-baked, half burnt breads: they have it, but can`t eat it! That is how many official projects end up like.
This initiative entails that ability to take part in economic activity is provided to every deserving citizen through national movement for Skilled Pakistan, whereby all the youth (15-29) in Pakistan must be imparted with essential literacy, and locally tradable skills. The results will turn the colossal challenge of unemployment on its head.
Areas of skill provision can be in i) creative industries (film, music, theatre: production, management, marketing); ii) agribusiness (value addition in cultivation, processing, and trading of exportable commodities); iii) productive use of information/ web based technologies; iv) urban affairs (construction, maintenance; caretaking); v) volunteerism; vi) community rooted policing and dispute resolution.
Private enterprise can be encouraged to invest in lieu of tax incentives. There have been isolated efforts and remarkable failures; the new initiative must learn from those.
Housing for all
This is the most revolutionary step, will require firm political resolve as this will ruffle established, institutional, dominant and hitherto unchallenged interests (read Army -:); but it could single handedly help realize makan part of PPP’s original slogan while generating needed resources also.
The initiative will provide dignified & affordable housing to all families through integrated strategies that will require a) redesigning & realigning of construction & living patterns; b) public interest, efficient use of public lands in urban & rural areas; and, c) terminating the award of public lands as part of perks & privileges to retiring civil & military officials (i.e., no more DHAs). These steps will jointly yield physical space and financial resources to do it well.
As first step, a popular campaign is needed to encourage shared & efficient use of space, energy friendly, light on earth, community housing; as well as persuading people to break away from conspicuous consumption for prudent dwelling. The second step, Reclaiming of Public Lands Act by the Parliament, will put Cantonments under civilian control and allow buying back of the agriculture lands allotted as parting gifts. The third step will encourage public-private partnership with specific standards to ensure the benefits reach across classes and government provides housing to all equitably, without spending single rupee from the exchequer. This step will help break the builders’ cartels and introduce new players and innovative construction technologies.
Taking cities to suburbs
The rural-urban migration and urban slums result from absence of city like facilities in the urban fringes and rural areas, such as cafés, public parks, community centres, libraries, cinemas, shopping malls, health clubs: and that is the solution. This, in combination with increased mobility will help spread the populations away from cities.
The modernized fringes will keep potential migrants locally engaged and positively impact health, education and other social sectors. That is my vision of a benazir (unprecedented) Pakistan.
Examining education
By Ather Naqvi
Shaping a Nation
Edited by Stephen Lyon, Iain R. Edgar
Series Editor: Ali Khan
Pages: 302
Price Rs: 695
Published by Oxford
University Press, 2010
The number of books on the subject of education in Pakistan may not be very low, but the ones which offer an in-depth analysis of what ails the education sector in Pakistan in a socio-political and historical context must be very few. One such book is Shaping a Nation, an Examination of Education in Pakistan.
The book sees the issue in its entirety and adopts an eclectic approach in identifying areas that have impacted formulation of education policy or the absence of one. The book forms an essential part of Oxford in Pakistan Readings in Sociology and Social Anthropology series. It offers a valuable reference work on the subject for students, policy-makers and researchers.
What adds to the value of the book is the fact that its contributors are all accomplished academics who have undertaken deep research on societies and the impact of education on them or vice versa. That is why, when they look at education in Pakistan, or any other society for that matter, they don’t just take into account policy-making but what has actually led to that policy framework. Names like Barbara Metcalf, Professor at the University of Michigan, Stephen Lyon, Senior Lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Durham, England, and Rubina Saigol who holds a PhD in Educational Sociology from the University of Rochester, among others make the book worth reading.
The chapters connect the dots to draw a picture that shows a link between demography, local economy, history and politics of a certain area that combine to shape contours of education policy on the national level. The chapters trace the history of education in the subcontinent, especially Pakistan, from the nineteenth century upto modern times. A couple of chapters on madrasa education, which also focus on Deoband Madrasas, attempt to dissect the role madrasas played in educating people of the subcontinent, for example if there is a clear link between madrasa education and violence, etc.
The behind-the-obvious research of the book is the underlying theme that points to a complete negation of the importance of education as a harbinger of change in a society, especially our society.
Two very obvious influences on education in Pakistan have been identified as the Islamisation of education by General Zia-ul Haq during much of the 1980s and the later emergence of the private sector in the backdrop of a crumbling public sector in education. The book also covers the role of private public partnership in the rural areas, among other seemingly complex but very significant aspects of education.
The underlying message of the book not just reiterates the fact that education has been very low on the priority list of the government, if at all, but pinpoints factors that have deformed the very idea of constituting a modern approach to dealing with illiteracy.
The book is divided into 12 chapters, each dealing with one particular aspect of education policy in Pakistan. The book very rightly points to the fact that the provision of education to a number of people is not the only, or perhaps the right, criteria to judge the quality of education but what is actually being taught to children, i.e, syllabus. It is quite alarming to note that, as the book states, a certain type of education has given way to social fragmentation and dissatisfaction among the society.
The state of education and the factors that caused the level of education to remain low has been amply reflected in each of the articles as they dig deep into an aspect of education. The link between the martial law years, the call to Afghan jihad, and the cropping up of madrasas in areas close to Pak-Afghan border and later in other parts of the country, set the stage for barren years in the education sector. Bad governance, absence of funds, and the subsequent lack of political eventually led us to the present situation where getting quality education is asking for the moon.
Shaping a Nation
Edited by Stephen Lyon, Iain R. Edgar
Series Editor: Ali Khan
Pages: 302
Price Rs: 695
Published by Oxford
University Press, 2010
The number of books on the subject of education in Pakistan may not be very low, but the ones which offer an in-depth analysis of what ails the education sector in Pakistan in a socio-political and historical context must be very few. One such book is Shaping a Nation, an Examination of Education in Pakistan.
The book sees the issue in its entirety and adopts an eclectic approach in identifying areas that have impacted formulation of education policy or the absence of one. The book forms an essential part of Oxford in Pakistan Readings in Sociology and Social Anthropology series. It offers a valuable reference work on the subject for students, policy-makers and researchers.
What adds to the value of the book is the fact that its contributors are all accomplished academics who have undertaken deep research on societies and the impact of education on them or vice versa. That is why, when they look at education in Pakistan, or any other society for that matter, they don’t just take into account policy-making but what has actually led to that policy framework. Names like Barbara Metcalf, Professor at the University of Michigan, Stephen Lyon, Senior Lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Durham, England, and Rubina Saigol who holds a PhD in Educational Sociology from the University of Rochester, among others make the book worth reading.
The chapters connect the dots to draw a picture that shows a link between demography, local economy, history and politics of a certain area that combine to shape contours of education policy on the national level. The chapters trace the history of education in the subcontinent, especially Pakistan, from the nineteenth century upto modern times. A couple of chapters on madrasa education, which also focus on Deoband Madrasas, attempt to dissect the role madrasas played in educating people of the subcontinent, for example if there is a clear link between madrasa education and violence, etc.
The behind-the-obvious research of the book is the underlying theme that points to a complete negation of the importance of education as a harbinger of change in a society, especially our society.
Two very obvious influences on education in Pakistan have been identified as the Islamisation of education by General Zia-ul Haq during much of the 1980s and the later emergence of the private sector in the backdrop of a crumbling public sector in education. The book also covers the role of private public partnership in the rural areas, among other seemingly complex but very significant aspects of education.
The underlying message of the book not just reiterates the fact that education has been very low on the priority list of the government, if at all, but pinpoints factors that have deformed the very idea of constituting a modern approach to dealing with illiteracy.
The book is divided into 12 chapters, each dealing with one particular aspect of education policy in Pakistan. The book very rightly points to the fact that the provision of education to a number of people is not the only, or perhaps the right, criteria to judge the quality of education but what is actually being taught to children, i.e, syllabus. It is quite alarming to note that, as the book states, a certain type of education has given way to social fragmentation and dissatisfaction among the society.
The state of education and the factors that caused the level of education to remain low has been amply reflected in each of the articles as they dig deep into an aspect of education. The link between the martial law years, the call to Afghan jihad, and the cropping up of madrasas in areas close to Pak-Afghan border and later in other parts of the country, set the stage for barren years in the education sector. Bad governance, absence of funds, and the subsequent lack of political eventually led us to the present situation where getting quality education is asking for the moon.
Need for long-term thinking
The agenda for reform and change must begin from improving the political culture
By Huzaima Bukhari and Dr. Ikramul Haq
The devastation caused by floods - irreparable loss of many precious human lives and collossal economic damage - has exposed poor management and lack of long-term planning in Pakistan. Such natural calamities are unavoidable but losses can be minimized through advance planning and by providing necessary relief measures. Unfortunately, our successive governments - civil and military alike - never bothered to prepare and implement any long-term policies for meeting challenges during emergencies. Funds of billions of rupees earmarked for projects are wasted and squandered by inefficient and corrupt government departments - there is no system of their accountability.
The Planning Commission of Pakistan, under the leadership of Dr. Nadeem Ul Haque, has now taken an initiative to start nationwide public debate on preparing policies for long-term economic development. We have wasted 63 years despite having great potential in terms of natural and human resources. We have many brilliant economists but see the economic mess in the country. Some of them were in the driving seat, yet failed to bring any structural changes and long-term reforms.
We have outstanding tax experts, but their services have never been solicited by the government. No wonder our tax system is one of the most corrupt and inefficient in the world - tax-to-GDP ratio has decreased from 13.5pc in 1992-93 to 8.9 percent in 2009-10. What a tragedy that we need so-called foreign experts who could not even drive back home on our roads - to reform our systems.
The main cause of the prevailing socio-politico-economic situation is existence of inefficient, corrupt, repressive, insensitive and outrageous governmental departments and corporations. Time and again we have argued for their right-sizing, monetising all perks and benefits and providing a fool-proof system of their accountability. But the vested interests in the establishment - civil-military complex - and parliament are not ready to implement these proposals. It will certainly disinvest them of powers through which they exploit and control the masses. Unless powers are handed over to elected local bodies Pakistan will never prosper.
The long-term planning that we need will remain an unrealized dream until we reform our political system (economic development is not possible without a dependable political and justice system). We must re-enact Local Government Acts empowering local authorities to perform functions such as educational, healthcare and social welfare services. They should also be responsible for matters relating to residents' free-time, recreation, housing, and the management and maintenance of their living environment (i.e. roads, streets, water supply and sewerage), as well as land-use planning and functional municipal structures. The power to levy and collect taxes to perform these functions will be the cornerstones of municipal self-governance - it alone can ensure executing of the duties assigned by the law.
If we want to make Pakistan an egalitarian society, we need to concentrate on empowering the masses. This requires handing over power to levy and collect taxes for essential services at the local level. Decisions would then be taken by the residents - through elected council members - and not bureaucrats sitting in Islamabad or provincial capitals in palatial offices oblivious of the ground realities and most of the time working for self-aggrandizement.
The elected members would be directly answerable to the residents. Local courts should be setup where justice is provided on the doorsteps rather than requiring people to go through expensive and long-drawn litigations under the conventional system. We need to move quickly and decisively - go for massive reforms in all spheres. The following 20-point agenda can help make Pakistan a place worth living in today's world:
1. State before seeking loyalty from citizens as their basic duty [Article 4 of Constitution] must fulfill its responsibility of "elimination of all forms of exploitation" and the gradual fulfillment of the fundamental principle, "from each according to his ability to each according to his work" [Article 3].
2. Ensuring good governance and corrupt free government structures through establishment and functioning of democratic institutions both in form and substance, supremacy of parliament coupled with an independent judiciary.
3. Empowerment of people through elected councils where a strong system of check and balance is available and funds collected locally are spent for the essential needs of residents.
4. Making the country a self-reliant economy, stop wasteful, unproductive expenses, cut the size of cabinet and government machinery, make government-owned corporations profitable, accelerate industrialisation and increase productivity, improve agriculture sector, bring inflation to single digit, reduce inequalities through a policy of redistribution of income and wealth.
5. Revamping the entire education system by introducing revolutionary measures to take society out of ignorance. Our problem is not only illiteracy but also ignorance. Even the so-called literates are ignorant of the worst order, as they do not demonstrate by their actions any norms of a civilised society. The foremost stress should be on building a knowledge-based society.
6. Elimination of bigotry, religious intolerance, and violence by taking concrete measures to ensure social development of society based on higher values of life and humanity. Reformation of madrassa system should be the top priority - these should be part of mainstream educational framework and not isolated institutions.
7. Devising long-term and short-term strategies to break the shackles of debt-trap.
8. Preparation of long-term policies of growth and productivity, ensuring employment for all.
9. Demonstration of political will along with legal framework to control wasteful, non-developmental and defence expenditure.
10. Strict laws and their effective implementation to curb money laundering, plundering of national wealth, political write off of bank loans and leakages in revenue collections.
11. Reform of technical, institutional and organizational dimensions of public finance.
12. Improvements in public sector effectiveness. Reform and strengthening of management of public finances. Transparent public sector spending. Efficient public sector performance.
13. Revitalisation of tax machinery, simplification of tax laws and procedures, reduction in excessive marginal tax rates making them compatible with other tax jurisdictions of the world, especially Asia, elimination of GST/VAT on production, machinery and equipment and substantial reduction in corporate tax rates.
14. Long-term policies removing stumbling blocks for new local and foreign investments.
15. Creating sufficient openness and accountability in the government to enable citizens to understand and participate fully in the process of national integration.
16. Introducing complete transparency in government and private financial transactions.
17. Juxtaposing economic policymaking and political reform [democratization] of society.
18. Agenda for reform should entail a comprehensive, well-integrated and unified plan that alone can assure its success. Reform in one sector ignoring the ills in the other, resorting to improving something at the cost of leaving aside the one interlinked, can never yield desired results.
19. Eliminating fiscal deficit.
20. Revamping of incompetence, inefficient and corrupt tax machinery. Improving GDP-tax ratio to respectable level.
The agenda for reform and change must begin from improving the political culture - parties should immediately be purged of corrupt and fake-degree holders. We need elected persons who demonstrate by their actions respect for rule of law and democratic behaviour in practice. It is a prerequisite for the process of reforms and change.
By Huzaima Bukhari and Dr. Ikramul Haq
The devastation caused by floods - irreparable loss of many precious human lives and collossal economic damage - has exposed poor management and lack of long-term planning in Pakistan. Such natural calamities are unavoidable but losses can be minimized through advance planning and by providing necessary relief measures. Unfortunately, our successive governments - civil and military alike - never bothered to prepare and implement any long-term policies for meeting challenges during emergencies. Funds of billions of rupees earmarked for projects are wasted and squandered by inefficient and corrupt government departments - there is no system of their accountability.
The Planning Commission of Pakistan, under the leadership of Dr. Nadeem Ul Haque, has now taken an initiative to start nationwide public debate on preparing policies for long-term economic development. We have wasted 63 years despite having great potential in terms of natural and human resources. We have many brilliant economists but see the economic mess in the country. Some of them were in the driving seat, yet failed to bring any structural changes and long-term reforms.
We have outstanding tax experts, but their services have never been solicited by the government. No wonder our tax system is one of the most corrupt and inefficient in the world - tax-to-GDP ratio has decreased from 13.5pc in 1992-93 to 8.9 percent in 2009-10. What a tragedy that we need so-called foreign experts who could not even drive back home on our roads - to reform our systems.
The main cause of the prevailing socio-politico-economic situation is existence of inefficient, corrupt, repressive, insensitive and outrageous governmental departments and corporations. Time and again we have argued for their right-sizing, monetising all perks and benefits and providing a fool-proof system of their accountability. But the vested interests in the establishment - civil-military complex - and parliament are not ready to implement these proposals. It will certainly disinvest them of powers through which they exploit and control the masses. Unless powers are handed over to elected local bodies Pakistan will never prosper.
The long-term planning that we need will remain an unrealized dream until we reform our political system (economic development is not possible without a dependable political and justice system). We must re-enact Local Government Acts empowering local authorities to perform functions such as educational, healthcare and social welfare services. They should also be responsible for matters relating to residents' free-time, recreation, housing, and the management and maintenance of their living environment (i.e. roads, streets, water supply and sewerage), as well as land-use planning and functional municipal structures. The power to levy and collect taxes to perform these functions will be the cornerstones of municipal self-governance - it alone can ensure executing of the duties assigned by the law.
If we want to make Pakistan an egalitarian society, we need to concentrate on empowering the masses. This requires handing over power to levy and collect taxes for essential services at the local level. Decisions would then be taken by the residents - through elected council members - and not bureaucrats sitting in Islamabad or provincial capitals in palatial offices oblivious of the ground realities and most of the time working for self-aggrandizement.
The elected members would be directly answerable to the residents. Local courts should be setup where justice is provided on the doorsteps rather than requiring people to go through expensive and long-drawn litigations under the conventional system. We need to move quickly and decisively - go for massive reforms in all spheres. The following 20-point agenda can help make Pakistan a place worth living in today's world:
1. State before seeking loyalty from citizens as their basic duty [Article 4 of Constitution] must fulfill its responsibility of "elimination of all forms of exploitation" and the gradual fulfillment of the fundamental principle, "from each according to his ability to each according to his work" [Article 3].
2. Ensuring good governance and corrupt free government structures through establishment and functioning of democratic institutions both in form and substance, supremacy of parliament coupled with an independent judiciary.
3. Empowerment of people through elected councils where a strong system of check and balance is available and funds collected locally are spent for the essential needs of residents.
4. Making the country a self-reliant economy, stop wasteful, unproductive expenses, cut the size of cabinet and government machinery, make government-owned corporations profitable, accelerate industrialisation and increase productivity, improve agriculture sector, bring inflation to single digit, reduce inequalities through a policy of redistribution of income and wealth.
5. Revamping the entire education system by introducing revolutionary measures to take society out of ignorance. Our problem is not only illiteracy but also ignorance. Even the so-called literates are ignorant of the worst order, as they do not demonstrate by their actions any norms of a civilised society. The foremost stress should be on building a knowledge-based society.
6. Elimination of bigotry, religious intolerance, and violence by taking concrete measures to ensure social development of society based on higher values of life and humanity. Reformation of madrassa system should be the top priority - these should be part of mainstream educational framework and not isolated institutions.
7. Devising long-term and short-term strategies to break the shackles of debt-trap.
8. Preparation of long-term policies of growth and productivity, ensuring employment for all.
9. Demonstration of political will along with legal framework to control wasteful, non-developmental and defence expenditure.
10. Strict laws and their effective implementation to curb money laundering, plundering of national wealth, political write off of bank loans and leakages in revenue collections.
11. Reform of technical, institutional and organizational dimensions of public finance.
12. Improvements in public sector effectiveness. Reform and strengthening of management of public finances. Transparent public sector spending. Efficient public sector performance.
13. Revitalisation of tax machinery, simplification of tax laws and procedures, reduction in excessive marginal tax rates making them compatible with other tax jurisdictions of the world, especially Asia, elimination of GST/VAT on production, machinery and equipment and substantial reduction in corporate tax rates.
14. Long-term policies removing stumbling blocks for new local and foreign investments.
15. Creating sufficient openness and accountability in the government to enable citizens to understand and participate fully in the process of national integration.
16. Introducing complete transparency in government and private financial transactions.
17. Juxtaposing economic policymaking and political reform [democratization] of society.
18. Agenda for reform should entail a comprehensive, well-integrated and unified plan that alone can assure its success. Reform in one sector ignoring the ills in the other, resorting to improving something at the cost of leaving aside the one interlinked, can never yield desired results.
19. Eliminating fiscal deficit.
20. Revamping of incompetence, inefficient and corrupt tax machinery. Improving GDP-tax ratio to respectable level.
The agenda for reform and change must begin from improving the political culture - parties should immediately be purged of corrupt and fake-degree holders. We need elected persons who demonstrate by their actions respect for rule of law and democratic behaviour in practice. It is a prerequisite for the process of reforms and change.
Basic instinct
Nearly 700000 hectares of standing crops are under water or destroyed and in many cases
surviving animals are without feed
By Dr. Abid Qaiyum Suleri
It is difficult to avoid natural calamities, but one can definitely stop turning these calamities into human disasters by putting in place the right set of policies. Current floods in Pakistan proved that despite facing repeated human disasters and despite establishing institutions like disaster management agencies, and flood commission, etc., we still lack the right set of policies that may reduce the frequency of human disasters hitting the people of Pakistan.
We are facing one of the worst floods in our history. These floods are being considered as the greatest humanitarian crisis in recent history by the United Nations. The magnitude of crisis is believed to be more than the Indian Ocean tsunami (2004) and the recent earthquakes in Pakistan (2005) and Haiti (2010) combined. The 1,600 death toll due to these floods is considerably low than the estimated death toll of 610,000 in the three previous events. However, according to preliminary estimates almost 2.2 million more people — 14.0 million — have suffered losses and require long or short-term help. The number would increase if the number of people who would be indirectly affected by these floods due to food price hike is taken into consideration.
It seems that the whole country is a disaster zone. All five provinces have been badly affected. The devastation left by flood waters in the north and centre of the country is worsening as water continues to head southward.
The government of Pakistan, in collaboration with Asian Development Bank and the World Bank is planning to carryout a rapid assessment of losses incurred by the floods. It is estimated that these losses are equal to 2-3 percent of GDP (Rs350 to 510 billion). Government is also planning to seek a relaxation from IMF on fiscal deficit targets owing to the losses incurred by floods. On top of it, plans are being made to levy a special tax (as the earlier taxes were not enough) for flood relief.
One aspect that seems to be ignored is how this flood has affected the food security and livelihood security situation. We are talking of flood in the context where 48.6 percent population was already not able to secure nutritious food, for all times for everyone. Sixty one percent districts of our country were already devoid of prerequisites for food security, i.e., physical availability of food, socio-economic access to food, and food absorption.
In Pakhtoonkhwa, barring Haripur and Abbotabad, the rest of 22 districts of KP were categorised as food insecure by Sustainable Development Policy Institute, World Food Programme, and Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation’s recent report "Food Insecurity in Pakistan 2009 (FIP 2009)".
Northern districts of Pakhtoonkhwa are most affected by floods. Upper Dir, Kohistan, Lower Dir, Malakand, and Shangla were the five worst food insecure districts of KPK in 2009 home to 75.6 percent, 73.5 percent, 64.5 percent, 61 percent, and 60.9 percent food insecure population respectively. This was pre-flood situation. After the devastating floods all three components of food security have turned even worst in Pakhtoonkhwa.
The loss of livelihood opportunities directly affects the socio-economic access to food, loss to physical infrastructure, stored food commodities, and livestock affect the physical availability of food, and prevalence of diseases during floods negatively affects food absorption in human body. It should not be an exaggeration to say that after the floods more than 90 percent of population in above mentioned districts would have gone food insecure. We are talking of a region where most parts got disconnected from land routes and helicopter is the only reliable means to provide relief to them.
Even Swat, Charsada and Nowshera where 54.2, 54.7 and 47.5 percent population was food insecure in 2009 might lose their resilience turning almost three quarter of their population food insecure.
According to FIP 2009, Rajanpur, D.G. Khan, and Muzaffargarh are the worst food-insecure districts of Punjab where nearly half of the population in each district is food insecure.
Things went from bad to worse in South Punjab where so far 8 million people are affected by floods. South Punjab, despite being the wheat basket of Pakistan is food insecure as people don’t have socio-economic access to food. Neither they have access to improved drinking water nor can they absorb food properly owing to their health conditions. In The post flood scenario, loss of standing crops, loss of livestock, loss of stored grains, lack of clean drinking water, prevalence of diseases and loss to physical infrastructure would further deteriorate the situation and at least three quarter of population in Southern Punjab has become food insecure now.
Coming to Sindh, that is still facing the rage of mighty Indus, flood may wash away Rs40 billion worth of paddy (IRRI variety of rice) in Upper Sindh. Not only standing paddy crop would be affected, but also sowing of wheat in the next season as land would not be ready for sowing after the floods. Kashmore, Jaccobabad, Sukkur, Shikarpur, and in the west up to Dadu would be affected from Indus deluge depriving people from their means of livelihoods, livestock, standing crops, stored grains, and drinking water. All of this would not only increase the existing food insecure districts like Kashmore, Jacobabad, and Dadu but would also negatively affect the food secure districts like Sukkur, Shikarpur, and Kambur.
Balochistan is the second worst food-insecure province after FATA, according to FIP 2009, FATA houses 67.7 percent food insecure population whereas Balochistan houses 61.2 percent food insecure population. The Indus water is also hitting some of the IRRI growing parts of Balochistan. Naseerabad, Jaffarabad and Jhal Maghsi are already coping with flood water and it is believed that flood flow would continue at least for next 20 days.
In a nutshell, one hundred percent crop losses have been recorded in many areas and tens of thousands of animals have been killed. According to FAO, nearly 700000 hectares of standing crops are under water or destroyed and in many cases surviving animals are without feed. The upcoming fall season’s wheat crop is now at risk in a region that is the bread basket of the country.
The direct flood survivors are facing an acute food insecurity problem, while the areas that were not hit hard by floods would also have to face food shortage (due to production as well as price hike) problem next year. A vast majority of the affected population depends on agriculture for their livelihoods, they could not save their stored grains or standing crops but some of them do have their surviving livestock.
The government as well as UN humanitarian agencies should ensure that while human lives are being saved, efforts should also be made to save the livestock from dying due to hunger and diseases. Urgent supply of feed and essential veterinary supplies should be provided as part of international humanitarian relief activities. Livestock’s importance in the local economy is huge not only because of their role as a source of food and draught power, but also because they often represent a family’s entire savings. Socio-economic access of flood survivors would be badly affected without their livestock.
Humanitarian agencies like World Food Programme, local NGOs, and International NGOs have already started their relief operations. However, it is a daunting task to cater for the needs of 14 million people out of which at least six million would require sustained food supply for weeks and months to come. Life would move on, but one wonders how many more human disasters our policy makers require to learn disaster preparedness.
surviving animals are without feed
By Dr. Abid Qaiyum Suleri
It is difficult to avoid natural calamities, but one can definitely stop turning these calamities into human disasters by putting in place the right set of policies. Current floods in Pakistan proved that despite facing repeated human disasters and despite establishing institutions like disaster management agencies, and flood commission, etc., we still lack the right set of policies that may reduce the frequency of human disasters hitting the people of Pakistan.
We are facing one of the worst floods in our history. These floods are being considered as the greatest humanitarian crisis in recent history by the United Nations. The magnitude of crisis is believed to be more than the Indian Ocean tsunami (2004) and the recent earthquakes in Pakistan (2005) and Haiti (2010) combined. The 1,600 death toll due to these floods is considerably low than the estimated death toll of 610,000 in the three previous events. However, according to preliminary estimates almost 2.2 million more people — 14.0 million — have suffered losses and require long or short-term help. The number would increase if the number of people who would be indirectly affected by these floods due to food price hike is taken into consideration.
It seems that the whole country is a disaster zone. All five provinces have been badly affected. The devastation left by flood waters in the north and centre of the country is worsening as water continues to head southward.
The government of Pakistan, in collaboration with Asian Development Bank and the World Bank is planning to carryout a rapid assessment of losses incurred by the floods. It is estimated that these losses are equal to 2-3 percent of GDP (Rs350 to 510 billion). Government is also planning to seek a relaxation from IMF on fiscal deficit targets owing to the losses incurred by floods. On top of it, plans are being made to levy a special tax (as the earlier taxes were not enough) for flood relief.
One aspect that seems to be ignored is how this flood has affected the food security and livelihood security situation. We are talking of flood in the context where 48.6 percent population was already not able to secure nutritious food, for all times for everyone. Sixty one percent districts of our country were already devoid of prerequisites for food security, i.e., physical availability of food, socio-economic access to food, and food absorption.
In Pakhtoonkhwa, barring Haripur and Abbotabad, the rest of 22 districts of KP were categorised as food insecure by Sustainable Development Policy Institute, World Food Programme, and Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation’s recent report "Food Insecurity in Pakistan 2009 (FIP 2009)".
Northern districts of Pakhtoonkhwa are most affected by floods. Upper Dir, Kohistan, Lower Dir, Malakand, and Shangla were the five worst food insecure districts of KPK in 2009 home to 75.6 percent, 73.5 percent, 64.5 percent, 61 percent, and 60.9 percent food insecure population respectively. This was pre-flood situation. After the devastating floods all three components of food security have turned even worst in Pakhtoonkhwa.
The loss of livelihood opportunities directly affects the socio-economic access to food, loss to physical infrastructure, stored food commodities, and livestock affect the physical availability of food, and prevalence of diseases during floods negatively affects food absorption in human body. It should not be an exaggeration to say that after the floods more than 90 percent of population in above mentioned districts would have gone food insecure. We are talking of a region where most parts got disconnected from land routes and helicopter is the only reliable means to provide relief to them.
Even Swat, Charsada and Nowshera where 54.2, 54.7 and 47.5 percent population was food insecure in 2009 might lose their resilience turning almost three quarter of their population food insecure.
According to FIP 2009, Rajanpur, D.G. Khan, and Muzaffargarh are the worst food-insecure districts of Punjab where nearly half of the population in each district is food insecure.
Things went from bad to worse in South Punjab where so far 8 million people are affected by floods. South Punjab, despite being the wheat basket of Pakistan is food insecure as people don’t have socio-economic access to food. Neither they have access to improved drinking water nor can they absorb food properly owing to their health conditions. In The post flood scenario, loss of standing crops, loss of livestock, loss of stored grains, lack of clean drinking water, prevalence of diseases and loss to physical infrastructure would further deteriorate the situation and at least three quarter of population in Southern Punjab has become food insecure now.
Coming to Sindh, that is still facing the rage of mighty Indus, flood may wash away Rs40 billion worth of paddy (IRRI variety of rice) in Upper Sindh. Not only standing paddy crop would be affected, but also sowing of wheat in the next season as land would not be ready for sowing after the floods. Kashmore, Jaccobabad, Sukkur, Shikarpur, and in the west up to Dadu would be affected from Indus deluge depriving people from their means of livelihoods, livestock, standing crops, stored grains, and drinking water. All of this would not only increase the existing food insecure districts like Kashmore, Jacobabad, and Dadu but would also negatively affect the food secure districts like Sukkur, Shikarpur, and Kambur.
Balochistan is the second worst food-insecure province after FATA, according to FIP 2009, FATA houses 67.7 percent food insecure population whereas Balochistan houses 61.2 percent food insecure population. The Indus water is also hitting some of the IRRI growing parts of Balochistan. Naseerabad, Jaffarabad and Jhal Maghsi are already coping with flood water and it is believed that flood flow would continue at least for next 20 days.
In a nutshell, one hundred percent crop losses have been recorded in many areas and tens of thousands of animals have been killed. According to FAO, nearly 700000 hectares of standing crops are under water or destroyed and in many cases surviving animals are without feed. The upcoming fall season’s wheat crop is now at risk in a region that is the bread basket of the country.
The direct flood survivors are facing an acute food insecurity problem, while the areas that were not hit hard by floods would also have to face food shortage (due to production as well as price hike) problem next year. A vast majority of the affected population depends on agriculture for their livelihoods, they could not save their stored grains or standing crops but some of them do have their surviving livestock.
The government as well as UN humanitarian agencies should ensure that while human lives are being saved, efforts should also be made to save the livestock from dying due to hunger and diseases. Urgent supply of feed and essential veterinary supplies should be provided as part of international humanitarian relief activities. Livestock’s importance in the local economy is huge not only because of their role as a source of food and draught power, but also because they often represent a family’s entire savings. Socio-economic access of flood survivors would be badly affected without their livestock.
Humanitarian agencies like World Food Programme, local NGOs, and International NGOs have already started their relief operations. However, it is a daunting task to cater for the needs of 14 million people out of which at least six million would require sustained food supply for weeks and months to come. Life would move on, but one wonders how many more human disasters our policy makers require to learn disaster preparedness.
Fundamental challenge
By Raza Rumi
As if Pakistan’s implosion from within wasn’t enough, the gods have acted to further push hapless and crumbling polity into a major crisis. Prior to August 2010, Pakistan was fighting a battle for its survival on an existentialist and ideological plane. The central features of a nation-state had withered away, save the institution of the Pakistan army. If anything, the insurgencies in Balochistan, FATA and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and simmering discontent in Southern Punjab and Sindh had alarmed several Pakistanis and those in the international community who wanted Pakistan to be a stable state.
The colossal humanitarian tragedy and the imminent economic meltdown, will now shape a new Pakistan or rather, exacerbate its predicament in the months and years to come. Pakistan’s economic, political instability, structural economic constraints and a warped national security policy are all going to be affected by the unfolding drama of the national disaster, perhaps the severest, in the country’s history. Whilst the challenges have snowballed within a short duration of ten days, the response of the Pakistani state and society underline extremely dangerous trends and make us wonder about future of the country, as we have known it for the last 63 years.
Systemic shock:
Pakistan had reverted to quasi-democratic rule after a decade of dictatorship in March 2008. Since the resumption of the electoral process in February 2008, the traditionally powerful unelected institutions, had acquired both legitimacy and unprecedented powers. The power troika of the 1990s had transformed into a quartet comprising the army, judiciary, the media and the civilian government which was represented by a ‘discredited’ president who has been a constant punching bag for the unelected institutions of the state.
Notwithstanding the isolation of the elected in the afore-mentioned quartet, the pending reform of governance was well-executed by the political elites by forging a consensus around the devolution of powers from the centre to the provinces via the 18th Amendment, and by establishing the rules of the game on fiscal transfers. However, these advances were overshadowed and challenged by the bane of Pakistani state: the national security policy, and its proclivity to act as a rentier entity for the Western agendas in the region.
Despite the fundamental shifts in governance, Pakistan has been in the tight grip of the civil-military-bureaucratic nexus and its newfound ally i.e. the ubiquitous electronic media. This is why the calamitous circumstances of today are turning into a major shock to the political system, which may unravel its very existence.
Dangerous trends:
Three key trends can be cited here. First, the perpetual attack on the person and office of the President who symbolises the political consensus of the federation and, especially, the popular will for the smaller provinces. Second, the relentless glorification of militarism by using the pretext of emergency relief. To illustrate, while the President was demonised during his UK visit, not a whimper was sounded out on the Army Chief’s official visit to the UAE, especially by those who have been praising the ascendant role of the armed forces in ‘saving’ Pakistan. Lastly, the sheer failure of the civilian administration to install an early warning mechanism and cope with the scale and immensity of the disaster has yet again raised the questions of state failure in the civilian domain. However, this time the civilian failure is hounded by the large-scale presence of banned militant organisations and their cadres in undertaking rescue-and-relief work in Southern Punjab and parts of KP, which casts a dark shadow over the attempts of the present civilian government to fight extremism in the country. Things have come to such a pass that the Taliban are advising a sovereign state not to seek international help and gunning down Awami National Party (ANP) workers and activists even in these dire times. All in all, political instability is likely to grow and deepen in the short-term leading to a systemic collapse, which Pakistan is familiar with and which almost always results in taking recourse to an authoritarian regime.
Economic collapse:
It has already been highlighted even when the floods have not receded that we are now heading fast towards an imminent economic meltdown. Such has been the nature of devastation reeked by the calamity that our GDP growth rate estimated to be 4.5 percent in the current fiscal year, is likely be halved due to the loss of crops, livestock, infrastructure and exports. The recent figures floated while the floods had not arrived at Kotri in Sindh, was around $10 billion. Given that the flood situation is getting complex and the outbreak of disease is an inevitable eventuality, the final estimate of losses will be far greater. Rough estimates suggest that 30-40 percent of crops may have already been lost while the strains on budgetary expenditures may be beyond the capacity and resources of the federal government. In these circumstances, the economy has emerged as a major challenge and one linked to our earlier discussion on political instability, the future scenario for Pakistan looks far from promising.
In KP alone, vital infrastructure such as bridges, roads, and highways have been damaged beyond repair, not to mention, the loss of timber, cattle and housing stock. The Prime Minister and other responsible officials of the state have already stated that parts of Pakistan have lost decades of development. It would be too early to make further estimates of what may have happened given that 70 percent of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and 50 percent of Southern Punjab remains inaccessible at the time of writing these lines. Perhaps the most under-reported aspect relates to the energy crises that may erupt once again in the short-term. Qadirpur gas field has been shut down for days and thereby, depriving the country of nearly 2000 MW of electricity. Pakistan was battling with a circular debt and regular supply of furnace oil to the Independent Power Producers (IPPs), and had barely managed to devise a strategy to overcome energy deficits. It seems that all efforts made earlier would be jeopardized in the wake of the current situation.
Militancy and extremism:
As noted above, the two agents seemingly well-organised are the Pakistan Army and the militant organisations, inextricably linked through history and the national security paradigm we have followed. As independent field reports from national and international media suggest the people in southern Punjab and KP are extremely angry and frustrated at the inability of the state to act in a timely and purposeful manner. For instance, Jamat-ud-Dawa is already at the forefront of relief efforts in the Punjab, while the several offshoots of the militants’ alliances in the northwest are capitalising on the extraordinary situation that we face today. It is not beyond the realm of possibility that these two parts of Pakistan already poor, marginalised and victims of state neglect, would see a major swing towards Islamism.
This is where the real challenge to Pakistan’s policy-makers and the Western powers emerges. The earlier militaristic efforts (military strikes, drone attacks, search operations and rounding up of Taliban militants) were yet to be backed by large-scale development programmes. In fact, the need for a Marshall Plan for the conflict-affected areas has already been highlighted at the international fora by the President and the Foreign Office. But the floods and the affiliated disasters have turned the clock backwards. The challenge of reconstruction, already beyond the capacity of the Pakistani State, will now be confounded by the rejection of constitutional governance and a secular governance framework that the ANP and the PPP has been propagating since the last few years.
The Pakistan state, including its nuclear-armed military has been on the defensive and their personnel and installations have been relentlessly targeted in the last three years. Over 30,000 civilian and military casualties and 7 percent of Officers Corps have died in the war against terror. Given such a vast and effective terrorists’ network, the current crisis is likely to compound the extent of terrorist attacks and recruitment of militants from the disaster-hit areas. Many analysts had hoped that once the military operation was over, improved governance and investments would provide an alternative to lure of Islamism. But, such a plan appears to be a distant dream only.
Which way now:
It is absolutely clear that the challenges faced by the state on the eve of its 63rd birthday are gargantuan, if not insurmountable. Three realities of contemporary Pakistan make things even more difficult. First, there seems to be a lack of political consensus on how to approach the disaster as the political elites have been bickering and scoring points thus far. True to their historical understanding of politics as a divisive and competitive arena, the leaders of political parties have traded more allegations than presenting solutions for the current situation. Second, the private philanthropy, international donors and global relief networks have displayed a marked reluctance to commit resources and offer assistance to Pakistan in undertaking emergency work and long-term rehabilitation. Donor fatigue has been cited as a possible explanation: however, the issue is far deeper and pertains to the credibility-deficit of the Pakistani State. The reasons are simple: the reputation gained by the Pakistani government for its ‘double-speak’ and hydra-headed behaviour with respect to the war on terror. Further, Pakistan’s perception as a thoroughly corrupt society is also an unfortunate reality as confirmed by the recent Transparency International report.
Third, it is unlikely that Pakistan would be out of the Afghanistan imbroglio anytime soon, thereby making it prone to decisions or policies set by Western powers. Also, the India policy pursued by the security establishment remains fossilised and hostage to history. There are no signs that this imperative is going to change in the next year or so. It would not be unwise to expect that military spending will remain as high as before, leaving little room for resource transfer to the areas ravaged by floods.
Policy focus:
In these circumstances, what should the public policy focus on? There are no easy answers for this unfortunate structural conundrum. As a start, there are five areas, which should be explored by the federal government. First, a national consensus on post-disaster mitigation strategy would be forged through an immediate political dialogue and which should be manifested in the form of a national commission comprising of key political parties and members of the Executive (including the army). Second, resource mobilisation campaigns should be initiated, focusing on expatriate Pakistanis and those who have been transferring their capital offshore. Such campaigns must also be launched in major capitals of the West, with a clear signal that if Pakistan’s allies are not going to bail it out, then they should be ready for the dire consequences of its economic and political instability.
Third, this crisis affords an opportunity to reform the local governance systems that have worked in the past. The strengthening of district administration and setting up local governments as agents of reconstruction and rehabilitation must be undertaken as soon as the emergency relief tasks are over.
Fourth, this may be the right time to mobilise and incentivize Pakistan’s private sector to contribute to the rehabilitation of lost infrastructure by offering them tax concessions, enabling legal environment for public-private partnerships and ensuring that they are not victims to bureaucratic corruption. Finally, it is essential that a national communication plan should be developed whereby; the civilian governments across the country are able to respond to citizen requirements, check corruption and leakages in relief efforts and present a credible alternative to fascist solutions for governance and development.
As if Pakistan’s implosion from within wasn’t enough, the gods have acted to further push hapless and crumbling polity into a major crisis. Prior to August 2010, Pakistan was fighting a battle for its survival on an existentialist and ideological plane. The central features of a nation-state had withered away, save the institution of the Pakistan army. If anything, the insurgencies in Balochistan, FATA and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and simmering discontent in Southern Punjab and Sindh had alarmed several Pakistanis and those in the international community who wanted Pakistan to be a stable state.
The colossal humanitarian tragedy and the imminent economic meltdown, will now shape a new Pakistan or rather, exacerbate its predicament in the months and years to come. Pakistan’s economic, political instability, structural economic constraints and a warped national security policy are all going to be affected by the unfolding drama of the national disaster, perhaps the severest, in the country’s history. Whilst the challenges have snowballed within a short duration of ten days, the response of the Pakistani state and society underline extremely dangerous trends and make us wonder about future of the country, as we have known it for the last 63 years.
Systemic shock:
Pakistan had reverted to quasi-democratic rule after a decade of dictatorship in March 2008. Since the resumption of the electoral process in February 2008, the traditionally powerful unelected institutions, had acquired both legitimacy and unprecedented powers. The power troika of the 1990s had transformed into a quartet comprising the army, judiciary, the media and the civilian government which was represented by a ‘discredited’ president who has been a constant punching bag for the unelected institutions of the state.
Notwithstanding the isolation of the elected in the afore-mentioned quartet, the pending reform of governance was well-executed by the political elites by forging a consensus around the devolution of powers from the centre to the provinces via the 18th Amendment, and by establishing the rules of the game on fiscal transfers. However, these advances were overshadowed and challenged by the bane of Pakistani state: the national security policy, and its proclivity to act as a rentier entity for the Western agendas in the region.
Despite the fundamental shifts in governance, Pakistan has been in the tight grip of the civil-military-bureaucratic nexus and its newfound ally i.e. the ubiquitous electronic media. This is why the calamitous circumstances of today are turning into a major shock to the political system, which may unravel its very existence.
Dangerous trends:
Three key trends can be cited here. First, the perpetual attack on the person and office of the President who symbolises the political consensus of the federation and, especially, the popular will for the smaller provinces. Second, the relentless glorification of militarism by using the pretext of emergency relief. To illustrate, while the President was demonised during his UK visit, not a whimper was sounded out on the Army Chief’s official visit to the UAE, especially by those who have been praising the ascendant role of the armed forces in ‘saving’ Pakistan. Lastly, the sheer failure of the civilian administration to install an early warning mechanism and cope with the scale and immensity of the disaster has yet again raised the questions of state failure in the civilian domain. However, this time the civilian failure is hounded by the large-scale presence of banned militant organisations and their cadres in undertaking rescue-and-relief work in Southern Punjab and parts of KP, which casts a dark shadow over the attempts of the present civilian government to fight extremism in the country. Things have come to such a pass that the Taliban are advising a sovereign state not to seek international help and gunning down Awami National Party (ANP) workers and activists even in these dire times. All in all, political instability is likely to grow and deepen in the short-term leading to a systemic collapse, which Pakistan is familiar with and which almost always results in taking recourse to an authoritarian regime.
Economic collapse:
It has already been highlighted even when the floods have not receded that we are now heading fast towards an imminent economic meltdown. Such has been the nature of devastation reeked by the calamity that our GDP growth rate estimated to be 4.5 percent in the current fiscal year, is likely be halved due to the loss of crops, livestock, infrastructure and exports. The recent figures floated while the floods had not arrived at Kotri in Sindh, was around $10 billion. Given that the flood situation is getting complex and the outbreak of disease is an inevitable eventuality, the final estimate of losses will be far greater. Rough estimates suggest that 30-40 percent of crops may have already been lost while the strains on budgetary expenditures may be beyond the capacity and resources of the federal government. In these circumstances, the economy has emerged as a major challenge and one linked to our earlier discussion on political instability, the future scenario for Pakistan looks far from promising.
In KP alone, vital infrastructure such as bridges, roads, and highways have been damaged beyond repair, not to mention, the loss of timber, cattle and housing stock. The Prime Minister and other responsible officials of the state have already stated that parts of Pakistan have lost decades of development. It would be too early to make further estimates of what may have happened given that 70 percent of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and 50 percent of Southern Punjab remains inaccessible at the time of writing these lines. Perhaps the most under-reported aspect relates to the energy crises that may erupt once again in the short-term. Qadirpur gas field has been shut down for days and thereby, depriving the country of nearly 2000 MW of electricity. Pakistan was battling with a circular debt and regular supply of furnace oil to the Independent Power Producers (IPPs), and had barely managed to devise a strategy to overcome energy deficits. It seems that all efforts made earlier would be jeopardized in the wake of the current situation.
Militancy and extremism:
As noted above, the two agents seemingly well-organised are the Pakistan Army and the militant organisations, inextricably linked through history and the national security paradigm we have followed. As independent field reports from national and international media suggest the people in southern Punjab and KP are extremely angry and frustrated at the inability of the state to act in a timely and purposeful manner. For instance, Jamat-ud-Dawa is already at the forefront of relief efforts in the Punjab, while the several offshoots of the militants’ alliances in the northwest are capitalising on the extraordinary situation that we face today. It is not beyond the realm of possibility that these two parts of Pakistan already poor, marginalised and victims of state neglect, would see a major swing towards Islamism.
This is where the real challenge to Pakistan’s policy-makers and the Western powers emerges. The earlier militaristic efforts (military strikes, drone attacks, search operations and rounding up of Taliban militants) were yet to be backed by large-scale development programmes. In fact, the need for a Marshall Plan for the conflict-affected areas has already been highlighted at the international fora by the President and the Foreign Office. But the floods and the affiliated disasters have turned the clock backwards. The challenge of reconstruction, already beyond the capacity of the Pakistani State, will now be confounded by the rejection of constitutional governance and a secular governance framework that the ANP and the PPP has been propagating since the last few years.
The Pakistan state, including its nuclear-armed military has been on the defensive and their personnel and installations have been relentlessly targeted in the last three years. Over 30,000 civilian and military casualties and 7 percent of Officers Corps have died in the war against terror. Given such a vast and effective terrorists’ network, the current crisis is likely to compound the extent of terrorist attacks and recruitment of militants from the disaster-hit areas. Many analysts had hoped that once the military operation was over, improved governance and investments would provide an alternative to lure of Islamism. But, such a plan appears to be a distant dream only.
Which way now:
It is absolutely clear that the challenges faced by the state on the eve of its 63rd birthday are gargantuan, if not insurmountable. Three realities of contemporary Pakistan make things even more difficult. First, there seems to be a lack of political consensus on how to approach the disaster as the political elites have been bickering and scoring points thus far. True to their historical understanding of politics as a divisive and competitive arena, the leaders of political parties have traded more allegations than presenting solutions for the current situation. Second, the private philanthropy, international donors and global relief networks have displayed a marked reluctance to commit resources and offer assistance to Pakistan in undertaking emergency work and long-term rehabilitation. Donor fatigue has been cited as a possible explanation: however, the issue is far deeper and pertains to the credibility-deficit of the Pakistani State. The reasons are simple: the reputation gained by the Pakistani government for its ‘double-speak’ and hydra-headed behaviour with respect to the war on terror. Further, Pakistan’s perception as a thoroughly corrupt society is also an unfortunate reality as confirmed by the recent Transparency International report.
Third, it is unlikely that Pakistan would be out of the Afghanistan imbroglio anytime soon, thereby making it prone to decisions or policies set by Western powers. Also, the India policy pursued by the security establishment remains fossilised and hostage to history. There are no signs that this imperative is going to change in the next year or so. It would not be unwise to expect that military spending will remain as high as before, leaving little room for resource transfer to the areas ravaged by floods.
Policy focus:
In these circumstances, what should the public policy focus on? There are no easy answers for this unfortunate structural conundrum. As a start, there are five areas, which should be explored by the federal government. First, a national consensus on post-disaster mitigation strategy would be forged through an immediate political dialogue and which should be manifested in the form of a national commission comprising of key political parties and members of the Executive (including the army). Second, resource mobilisation campaigns should be initiated, focusing on expatriate Pakistanis and those who have been transferring their capital offshore. Such campaigns must also be launched in major capitals of the West, with a clear signal that if Pakistan’s allies are not going to bail it out, then they should be ready for the dire consequences of its economic and political instability.
Third, this crisis affords an opportunity to reform the local governance systems that have worked in the past. The strengthening of district administration and setting up local governments as agents of reconstruction and rehabilitation must be undertaken as soon as the emergency relief tasks are over.
Fourth, this may be the right time to mobilise and incentivize Pakistan’s private sector to contribute to the rehabilitation of lost infrastructure by offering them tax concessions, enabling legal environment for public-private partnerships and ensuring that they are not victims to bureaucratic corruption. Finally, it is essential that a national communication plan should be developed whereby; the civilian governments across the country are able to respond to citizen requirements, check corruption and leakages in relief efforts and present a credible alternative to fascist solutions for governance and development.
For social change
Mahmood Shah
Despite the unprecedented internal and external threats faced by the country, the attitude of our political leadership is appalling. Asif Ali Zardari's visit to France and Britain was a display of sheer callousness, to say the least. As it is supposed to do, the media only reported the facts about what happened during his visits. But, through its political activists, the PPP decided to use pressure tactics against the media. This is not the behaviour of members of a civilised society.
In the past few years, civil-society organisations, the lawyers' community and the media have played an extremely positive role. However, unless their efforts are effectively supported by Pakistani society, they could be neutralised by powerful lobbies and the government, through a combination of inducements and coercion. This support will take time to develop since the forces for change are scattered in our society and therefore cannot exert sufficient pressure on the government to persuade it to mend its ways and act in accordance with the wishes of the people of Pakistan. In view of this situation, ways have to be found to bring the democratic forces together.
Claims by the leading political parties that they enjoy the mandate of the people of Pakistan are exposed as false when we realise that only 30 to 40 per cent of voters go to the polling booth on voting day. The majority of those who understand issues and can differentiate between good and bad politicians do not even bother to vote. The feudal lords and industrialists heading the top political parties act through party activists and even armed gangs. It is these political leaders with their specific vote banks who, when they are in government, benefit their favoured people by hook or by crook. It is leaders like these who wreck the system of governance when they come to power.
These parties and politicians may claim to be democratic but are evidently authoritarian by nature. These political parties with their goon squads are so strong and powerful that it is impossible for Pakistani society to change the status quo unless it stands up for its rights.
Availability of the internet and the mobile phone has added a new dimension to the power of civil society, which should put these to the most effective use to bring about changes in Pakistan. The media around the globe is freer than ever before to reveal crimes, corruption and cover-ups, and these revelations, in turn, can help reform the system of governance.
It is universally accepted that democracy is the best model of governance for a state where the will of the people is at the core. But whenever this system is abused through dictatorial policies of political parties and where the public mandate is achieved through dubious means, the system is likely to collapse sooner or later. It cannot be restored unless meaningful corrections are made.
Some people question the legitimacy of civil-society organisations. They feel that such organisations have obtained a remarkable power of their own without election or appointment. But these organisations should be considered complimentary and supplementary to democracy.
Military rules are no remedy. In fact, they further complicate the problems of the state and governance. As Thomas Jefferson said: "I know of no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but inform their discretion."
Despite the unprecedented internal and external threats faced by the country, the attitude of our political leadership is appalling. Asif Ali Zardari's visit to France and Britain was a display of sheer callousness, to say the least. As it is supposed to do, the media only reported the facts about what happened during his visits. But, through its political activists, the PPP decided to use pressure tactics against the media. This is not the behaviour of members of a civilised society.
In the past few years, civil-society organisations, the lawyers' community and the media have played an extremely positive role. However, unless their efforts are effectively supported by Pakistani society, they could be neutralised by powerful lobbies and the government, through a combination of inducements and coercion. This support will take time to develop since the forces for change are scattered in our society and therefore cannot exert sufficient pressure on the government to persuade it to mend its ways and act in accordance with the wishes of the people of Pakistan. In view of this situation, ways have to be found to bring the democratic forces together.
Claims by the leading political parties that they enjoy the mandate of the people of Pakistan are exposed as false when we realise that only 30 to 40 per cent of voters go to the polling booth on voting day. The majority of those who understand issues and can differentiate between good and bad politicians do not even bother to vote. The feudal lords and industrialists heading the top political parties act through party activists and even armed gangs. It is these political leaders with their specific vote banks who, when they are in government, benefit their favoured people by hook or by crook. It is leaders like these who wreck the system of governance when they come to power.
These parties and politicians may claim to be democratic but are evidently authoritarian by nature. These political parties with their goon squads are so strong and powerful that it is impossible for Pakistani society to change the status quo unless it stands up for its rights.
Availability of the internet and the mobile phone has added a new dimension to the power of civil society, which should put these to the most effective use to bring about changes in Pakistan. The media around the globe is freer than ever before to reveal crimes, corruption and cover-ups, and these revelations, in turn, can help reform the system of governance.
It is universally accepted that democracy is the best model of governance for a state where the will of the people is at the core. But whenever this system is abused through dictatorial policies of political parties and where the public mandate is achieved through dubious means, the system is likely to collapse sooner or later. It cannot be restored unless meaningful corrections are made.
Some people question the legitimacy of civil-society organisations. They feel that such organisations have obtained a remarkable power of their own without election or appointment. But these organisations should be considered complimentary and supplementary to democracy.
Military rules are no remedy. In fact, they further complicate the problems of the state and governance. As Thomas Jefferson said: "I know of no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but inform their discretion."
Compassion fatigue?
Babar Sattar
The writer is a lawyer based in Islamabad.
The floods have adversely affected almost ten per cent of Pakistan's population. Millions have been rendered homeless. Millions are without food and water. While it is still too early to make an accurate estimate of the aggregate quantum of losses inflicted by the floods, this natural disaster is threatening to snatch away the right to meaningful life and dignity of over ten million Pakistanis and push them into abject poverty. Has our response as a nation to a catastrophe of such enormous proportion been wanting? Are we so used to poverty and inequity in our midst that stark human suffering doesn't move us anymore? Are we legitimately angry that our state and our government have let us down? Is our sense of entitlement over the responsibility of the international community to come to our rescue warranted?
Many of us wish to hold Asif Zardari and the PPP-led government responsible for the floods and the damage they have caused. Reading these opinions one gets a sense that somehow the losses being inflicted by the floods would have been miraculously reduced had there been an honest and competent government in office today. Those afflicted with the victimhood syndrome wish to highlight the indifference of rich countries evident in their refusal to donate generously. The international media on the other hand is beating up on Pakistan's tainted image as a cause for donor reluctance. Many of the religiously inclined explain the floods as God's wrath and response to our sinful ways.
Rationalising loss and suffering is never easy after all. The innate human response always is to find someone to blame. But if we wish to help the flood victims, anger and finger-pointing will not do. Let us hope that our seemingly inadequate response towards this disaster has been caused by our lack of understanding of its magnitude. The destruction caused by the floods has been an unfolding narrative. And our consciousness continues to be affected every single day by visuals, news reports and individual accounts of losses, misery and suffering. But let us also acknowledge that hurling abuse at Zardari or international donors is not an appropriate way for able and affluent Pakistanis to respond to the photo of a man walking through chest-high floodwater with two kids under his armpits and a chicken tied to a string around his neck.
The state of Pakistan does not provide a social safety net for the unfortunate. Millions of Pakistanis are hungry and malnourished but lack of food security is not seen as an infringement of the constitutionally guaranteed right to life. Over the last few months there have been dozens of cases where desperate individuals killed their families and themselves after failing to make ends meet. Such news makes people upset. But we have not seen any considered response from the state and its institutions – especially parliament – to provide unprivileged citizens with minimum financial guarantees and basic social security. As a state, Pakistan leaves the poor and the unfortunate to their own devices.
Over the last 63 years our state has neither planned for nor invested in protecting citizens' right to a meaningful life. The most fundamental obligation of the state – to provide for the physical security of citizens – has now been privatised. People with means are expected to arrange private security guards to ensure their safety. The rest are at the mercy of their fortunes and circumstances. The extent of provisioning for the health and education of ordinary citizens is ludicrous. Every time there is a manmade or natural disaster we find our state response inadequate and its machinery paralysed. Why then are we surprised at the ineffectual response of the state in dealing with the harshest floods that this region has witnessed in over 80 years?
The Zardari-led regime suffers from a credibility deficit. Simply put, the government as a whole seems neither sensitive to people's needs nor sincere in addressing them. But imagine for a minute that the ruling regime had more integrity, vision and sense of purpose, would that have compensated for 63 years of misdirected priorities? Would the floods have caused less devastation if we had a government that was more responsive to citizen needs and expectations? Our sad reality is that we do not have the luxury to look towards the state or the government for initiative and leadership to deal with the mammoth challenge reared by the floods. For now we will have to continue to rely on our makeshift social safety net weaved together by the compassion and kindness of the affluent within our society towards the less fortunate.
We are a society that strongly believes in charity. We always come through for one another in times of crisis. Our tax-to-GDP ratio is probably one of the lowest in the world, but our individual resource-to-charity ratio is probably amongst one of the highest. We have traditionally been unwilling to give to the state because we don't trust our governments. But we don't falter as a society when it comes to giving to the underprivileged. In the immediate aftermath of the 2005 earthquake, the international media and donors continued to pontificate over why the world gave the earthquake victims less than the tsunami victims. But as we stood united as a nation and our collective sense of concern and kindness for fellow Pakistanis glued us together discussions about international donor fatigue became irrelevant.
Once again the meagre aid pouring in from around the world and the difficulty of raising funds for the suffering multitude in Pakistan are becoming a story as big as the havoc caused by the floods. Should we really consume our energies at this time wondering why the world doesn't love us enough? Let us focus instead on what Pakistani nationals and expats can do for fellow nationals. A starting point can be how much time and resources we individually committed to relief operations after the 2005 earthquake and whether or not we are doing more this time around.
Let us start a healthy competition within the private sector in Pakistan with organisations setting up matching grant and donation programmes for flood victims. Let us make lists of large-hearted organisations and individuals in Pakistan to celebrate the altruistic spirit that sustains us as a nation instead of chiding other nation-states for not being generous enough. As a nation let us not reinforce the psyche of dependence and disempowerment that afflicts our state by linking the fate of flood victims to the generosity of governments around the world. Let us be grateful to all those who feel for our fellow citizens, but let us not derelict our responsibility to take charge of our fate and circumstances.
Times of crisis throw up opportunities to learn lessons, make amends and initiate reform. In the medium term we need to struggle to reorder our state priorities with the knowledge that the reform we desire will not be top-down but bottom-up. We must not continue to allow the state to be oblivious to the needs of citizens and force the poor and the needy to rely on the voluntary acts of kindness of the more fortunate members of society. And while we challenge our public office-holders to rise up to our expectations, we must understand that we cannot rely on products of a chequered political process to singularly usher progressive change.
But in the immediate term we need to prove to ourselves as a nation our soul and our spirit is not broken and an inequitable state and a complacent government have not transformed us into a callous society.
The writer is a lawyer based in Islamabad.
The floods have adversely affected almost ten per cent of Pakistan's population. Millions have been rendered homeless. Millions are without food and water. While it is still too early to make an accurate estimate of the aggregate quantum of losses inflicted by the floods, this natural disaster is threatening to snatch away the right to meaningful life and dignity of over ten million Pakistanis and push them into abject poverty. Has our response as a nation to a catastrophe of such enormous proportion been wanting? Are we so used to poverty and inequity in our midst that stark human suffering doesn't move us anymore? Are we legitimately angry that our state and our government have let us down? Is our sense of entitlement over the responsibility of the international community to come to our rescue warranted?
Many of us wish to hold Asif Zardari and the PPP-led government responsible for the floods and the damage they have caused. Reading these opinions one gets a sense that somehow the losses being inflicted by the floods would have been miraculously reduced had there been an honest and competent government in office today. Those afflicted with the victimhood syndrome wish to highlight the indifference of rich countries evident in their refusal to donate generously. The international media on the other hand is beating up on Pakistan's tainted image as a cause for donor reluctance. Many of the religiously inclined explain the floods as God's wrath and response to our sinful ways.
Rationalising loss and suffering is never easy after all. The innate human response always is to find someone to blame. But if we wish to help the flood victims, anger and finger-pointing will not do. Let us hope that our seemingly inadequate response towards this disaster has been caused by our lack of understanding of its magnitude. The destruction caused by the floods has been an unfolding narrative. And our consciousness continues to be affected every single day by visuals, news reports and individual accounts of losses, misery and suffering. But let us also acknowledge that hurling abuse at Zardari or international donors is not an appropriate way for able and affluent Pakistanis to respond to the photo of a man walking through chest-high floodwater with two kids under his armpits and a chicken tied to a string around his neck.
The state of Pakistan does not provide a social safety net for the unfortunate. Millions of Pakistanis are hungry and malnourished but lack of food security is not seen as an infringement of the constitutionally guaranteed right to life. Over the last few months there have been dozens of cases where desperate individuals killed their families and themselves after failing to make ends meet. Such news makes people upset. But we have not seen any considered response from the state and its institutions – especially parliament – to provide unprivileged citizens with minimum financial guarantees and basic social security. As a state, Pakistan leaves the poor and the unfortunate to their own devices.
Over the last 63 years our state has neither planned for nor invested in protecting citizens' right to a meaningful life. The most fundamental obligation of the state – to provide for the physical security of citizens – has now been privatised. People with means are expected to arrange private security guards to ensure their safety. The rest are at the mercy of their fortunes and circumstances. The extent of provisioning for the health and education of ordinary citizens is ludicrous. Every time there is a manmade or natural disaster we find our state response inadequate and its machinery paralysed. Why then are we surprised at the ineffectual response of the state in dealing with the harshest floods that this region has witnessed in over 80 years?
The Zardari-led regime suffers from a credibility deficit. Simply put, the government as a whole seems neither sensitive to people's needs nor sincere in addressing them. But imagine for a minute that the ruling regime had more integrity, vision and sense of purpose, would that have compensated for 63 years of misdirected priorities? Would the floods have caused less devastation if we had a government that was more responsive to citizen needs and expectations? Our sad reality is that we do not have the luxury to look towards the state or the government for initiative and leadership to deal with the mammoth challenge reared by the floods. For now we will have to continue to rely on our makeshift social safety net weaved together by the compassion and kindness of the affluent within our society towards the less fortunate.
We are a society that strongly believes in charity. We always come through for one another in times of crisis. Our tax-to-GDP ratio is probably one of the lowest in the world, but our individual resource-to-charity ratio is probably amongst one of the highest. We have traditionally been unwilling to give to the state because we don't trust our governments. But we don't falter as a society when it comes to giving to the underprivileged. In the immediate aftermath of the 2005 earthquake, the international media and donors continued to pontificate over why the world gave the earthquake victims less than the tsunami victims. But as we stood united as a nation and our collective sense of concern and kindness for fellow Pakistanis glued us together discussions about international donor fatigue became irrelevant.
Once again the meagre aid pouring in from around the world and the difficulty of raising funds for the suffering multitude in Pakistan are becoming a story as big as the havoc caused by the floods. Should we really consume our energies at this time wondering why the world doesn't love us enough? Let us focus instead on what Pakistani nationals and expats can do for fellow nationals. A starting point can be how much time and resources we individually committed to relief operations after the 2005 earthquake and whether or not we are doing more this time around.
Let us start a healthy competition within the private sector in Pakistan with organisations setting up matching grant and donation programmes for flood victims. Let us make lists of large-hearted organisations and individuals in Pakistan to celebrate the altruistic spirit that sustains us as a nation instead of chiding other nation-states for not being generous enough. As a nation let us not reinforce the psyche of dependence and disempowerment that afflicts our state by linking the fate of flood victims to the generosity of governments around the world. Let us be grateful to all those who feel for our fellow citizens, but let us not derelict our responsibility to take charge of our fate and circumstances.
Times of crisis throw up opportunities to learn lessons, make amends and initiate reform. In the medium term we need to struggle to reorder our state priorities with the knowledge that the reform we desire will not be top-down but bottom-up. We must not continue to allow the state to be oblivious to the needs of citizens and force the poor and the needy to rely on the voluntary acts of kindness of the more fortunate members of society. And while we challenge our public office-holders to rise up to our expectations, we must understand that we cannot rely on products of a chequered political process to singularly usher progressive change.
But in the immediate term we need to prove to ourselves as a nation our soul and our spirit is not broken and an inequitable state and a complacent government have not transformed us into a callous society.
Let's all be humanitarians
Shabnam Riaz
Disaster strikes and we are jolted from our comfortable sofas in the living room to have a look at close-up images of devastation. It's unnerving to see those tormented faces with haunted eyes looking at a camera lens as if to make a personal connection. Women, balancing frail babies precariously on their sides and heavy loads on their heads, are walking along a road. Men with sombre expressions lead the way. Everyone continues lumbering along -- precious salvaged items tucked inside their armpits.
A reporter appears out of nowhere. "Where are you going?" comes the question. The man keeps walking, a camera in his face does not change his distant look. He does not answer. The question is repeated. This time he makes eye-contact and replies with an inaudible sigh. "We're just walking away from the water. We don't know where we are going." The reporter is mistakenly encouraged and delves in for more human fodder: "Have you lost everything?" comes the insensitive inquiry. The man stops. Looks at the camera and says, "It may seem that way to you, but I have my family left. I am not going to stop until I find safety for them."
The camera zooms out, you lose interest and change the channel. More pictures come in quick succession and you see gushing torrents of rabid water, ravaging any living thing that dares to cross its path. People in small clusters take refuge on rooftops that are a few feet above certain death.
The scene changes and the usual 'blame-each-other-till-we-have-a-coronary-scream' shows are on. Precious time wasted, crucial energy being spent on venom-spitting, burnt-out egos that have nothing left to offer but an inclusion in a prime-time debacle that overshadows the real disaster.
At the end of another calamity-stricken day, the viewer – both exhausted and confused at the trauma, casualties and overwhelming statistics -- falls into a restless, ghostly sleep tossing around all night, finally falling into a black void of deep disturbance.
The morning-after dawns, and in comes the cavalry. Hundreds descend on the hungry and destitute, but again, their presence is of the extra-terrestrial kind. A one-way show, relaying images of the predicament and misfortune of millions.
Nevertheless, the Good-Guys manage to get their gear together. People call them the "humanitarians". Belonging to organisations and groups that include volunteers, these individuals are relentlessly driven. Their adrenaline rush comes from dealing directly with those in turmoil and providing them with the magic word: relief. In any form or any amount, anything that can be a form of respite for those fellow human beings' endless suffering.
These humanitarians are a cultural shock for us. They don't need fancy speeches, primetime viewing slots or glorified interviews, where they drum into the public what they intend to do. The humanitarians focus, reach out and deliver. They are usually the first to reach disaster-afflicted areas and to start work immediately. No bickering, no ego-hassles and minus self-serving agendas, these guys mean business and don't appreciate anyone who drags their feet.
But hey, wait a minute. I just looked up the definition of 'humanitarian'. According to the good old Oxford Dictionary it is: adjective -- concerned with or seeking to promote human welfare. Noun -- person who seeks to promote human welfare.
So, in other words you don't need to have specific training to become a humanitarian? And wait a minute, another click of the mouse displays other synonyms. Words such as caring, kind, compassionate and charitable come into view. That's funny, aren't these supposed to be universal human qualities? You know, the sort of attributes we were all born with? Well, it looks like somewhere along the way we lost touch with the essential traits of being a human being.
There is a bright side though, as I suppose we do not have to lose hope. All we need to do is to reconnect and rekindle the spirit that will eventually take over and lead us to the direction that this blessed month of Ramazan asks us to take.
Oh and yes. When we usually ask the clichéd questions of what a child should be when they grow up, I suggest we tell them to be a humanitarian first.
Disaster strikes and we are jolted from our comfortable sofas in the living room to have a look at close-up images of devastation. It's unnerving to see those tormented faces with haunted eyes looking at a camera lens as if to make a personal connection. Women, balancing frail babies precariously on their sides and heavy loads on their heads, are walking along a road. Men with sombre expressions lead the way. Everyone continues lumbering along -- precious salvaged items tucked inside their armpits.
A reporter appears out of nowhere. "Where are you going?" comes the question. The man keeps walking, a camera in his face does not change his distant look. He does not answer. The question is repeated. This time he makes eye-contact and replies with an inaudible sigh. "We're just walking away from the water. We don't know where we are going." The reporter is mistakenly encouraged and delves in for more human fodder: "Have you lost everything?" comes the insensitive inquiry. The man stops. Looks at the camera and says, "It may seem that way to you, but I have my family left. I am not going to stop until I find safety for them."
The camera zooms out, you lose interest and change the channel. More pictures come in quick succession and you see gushing torrents of rabid water, ravaging any living thing that dares to cross its path. People in small clusters take refuge on rooftops that are a few feet above certain death.
The scene changes and the usual 'blame-each-other-till-we-have-a-coronary-scream' shows are on. Precious time wasted, crucial energy being spent on venom-spitting, burnt-out egos that have nothing left to offer but an inclusion in a prime-time debacle that overshadows the real disaster.
At the end of another calamity-stricken day, the viewer – both exhausted and confused at the trauma, casualties and overwhelming statistics -- falls into a restless, ghostly sleep tossing around all night, finally falling into a black void of deep disturbance.
The morning-after dawns, and in comes the cavalry. Hundreds descend on the hungry and destitute, but again, their presence is of the extra-terrestrial kind. A one-way show, relaying images of the predicament and misfortune of millions.
Nevertheless, the Good-Guys manage to get their gear together. People call them the "humanitarians". Belonging to organisations and groups that include volunteers, these individuals are relentlessly driven. Their adrenaline rush comes from dealing directly with those in turmoil and providing them with the magic word: relief. In any form or any amount, anything that can be a form of respite for those fellow human beings' endless suffering.
These humanitarians are a cultural shock for us. They don't need fancy speeches, primetime viewing slots or glorified interviews, where they drum into the public what they intend to do. The humanitarians focus, reach out and deliver. They are usually the first to reach disaster-afflicted areas and to start work immediately. No bickering, no ego-hassles and minus self-serving agendas, these guys mean business and don't appreciate anyone who drags their feet.
But hey, wait a minute. I just looked up the definition of 'humanitarian'. According to the good old Oxford Dictionary it is: adjective -- concerned with or seeking to promote human welfare. Noun -- person who seeks to promote human welfare.
So, in other words you don't need to have specific training to become a humanitarian? And wait a minute, another click of the mouse displays other synonyms. Words such as caring, kind, compassionate and charitable come into view. That's funny, aren't these supposed to be universal human qualities? You know, the sort of attributes we were all born with? Well, it looks like somewhere along the way we lost touch with the essential traits of being a human being.
There is a bright side though, as I suppose we do not have to lose hope. All we need to do is to reconnect and rekindle the spirit that will eventually take over and lead us to the direction that this blessed month of Ramazan asks us to take.
Oh and yes. When we usually ask the clichéd questions of what a child should be when they grow up, I suggest we tell them to be a humanitarian first.
'Nasty fears' about the Indus
Noreen Haider
The Tibetan Plateau contains the world's third-largest store of ice. Qin Dahe, the former head of the China Meteorological Administration, has issued a grim warning about the rapid melting and warmer temperatures in the area.
"Temperatures are rising four times faster than elsewhere in China, and the Tibetan glaciers are retreating at a higher speed than in any other part of the world... In the short term, this will cause lakes to expand and bring floods and mudflows… In the long run, the glaciers are vital lifelines of the Indus River. Once they vanish, water supplies in Pakistan will be in peril."
According to experts, the destructive behaviour of the Indus which produced the floods had been predicted. Many warnings were issued regarding the increased flow of water in it because of the climate change affecting the planet.
"There is insufficient data to say what will happen to the Indus," says David Grey, the World Bank's senior water advisor in South Asia. "But we all have very nasty fears that the flows of the Indus could be severely, severely affected by glacier melt as a consequence of climate change," he says. "We need to be concerned about that. Deeply, deeply concerned."
The floods were caused by canal bursts and breaches and by protection bunds giving way, in an area ranging from Mianwali district to Layyah, Muzaffargarh, Dera Ghazi Khan and Rajanpur. The breaches in the canals were not only caused by the massive volume of water but also by the creation of gaps by the Punjab's irrigation department for diversion of floodwater.
The result was the inundation of towns and villages which had been totally unprepared for the impending danger. In places like Mehmood Kot, Kot Addu, Sanawan and Dera Din Panah and Mitthan Kot, the populations were caught completely unawares. There was a high number of deaths by drowning. Billions of dollars were lost in property and infrastructure destroyed, cattle washed away and crops wiped out. Hundreds of villages were completely inundated by tides of floodwater as high as fifteen feet.
Why was the pressure of the Indus River not released despite the breaches in the protective bunds and diversion of floodwater into Mianwali? Was breaking the bunds actually the last resort? Was Jinnah Barrage at risk at all? Who gave the orders for the canal breaches?
And what role did local influential landowners play in the bund breaches?
There are many administrative questions too. Should there been water flowing in the canals in the monsoon season? Had the canals been drained properly before the start of the monsoons? Why did the Punjab government not have an evacuation plan when there had been warning of floods months in advance? As for the wisdom of letting water flow in the link canals--for them to be breached later, as happened in so many places--the floodwaters were carried by the canals even to places which lay at a distance from its natural course of the river.
One place to be hit particularly badly was Mehmood Kot near Kot Addu, in Muzaffargarh district. Eyewitness accounts say that the floodwater entering Mehmood Kot was a ten-foot tide advancing like a high-speed train. The tide inundated everything within a few minutes.
"We were able to save nothing," said a resident of Mehmood Kot. "We are just lucky to be alive." This tide was caused by the breaching of the Muzaffargarh Canal two kilometres from Muzaffargarh town. The towns of Sanawan, Ghazi Ghat, Lal Pir were swept away, as were dozens of villages.
According to the Punjab irrigation department, the Indus was flowing at a frightening level when it entered Punjab. The constant rains in the Sulaiman Ranges caused fierce hill torrents: for example, there were 37,000 cusecs in the Sanghar torrent, 27,780 cusecs in the Vehova torrent, 24,767 cusecs in the Vidore torrent, 29,270 cusecs in the Sorrilund torrent and 33,800 cusecs in the Kaura torrent.
Rojhan, Kot Mitthan and Jampur in Rajanpur district were devastated by the hill torrents. In Dera Ghazi Khan town, torrents from Wadoor inundated roads. The high flood breached the Katchi canal bank and broke the siphon on the DG Canal. The irrigation department made breaches on the Katchi Canal crossing into DG Canal in order to divert water from Dera Ghazi Khan town.
Because of intense pressure from the massive flow of the river, the left Marginal Bund of Taunsa Barrage collapsed at RD30-32 on Aug 2. The tremendous body of water resulting from this made its way inland, finding its way into TP Link Canal. The Taunsa-Punjnad Canal has the capacity of 1,500 cusecs but it experienced a surge of more than 3,000 cusecs of water, and breached at various points. TP Canal's banks were breached by the irrigation department at various other points. The water from TP Canal was drained into Muzaffargarh Canal. That canal, which has the maximum capacity of 8,900 cusecs, could not withstand the resulting surge of 2,000 cusecs and breached at many points.
The bursting of bands of TP and Muzaffargarh Canals completely inundated Kot Addu, Dera Din Panah, Mehmoood Kot, Jhoke Utra, Ghousabad, Shero, Basti Pattal and Qasba Gujrat, where the water rose up to fifteen feet and more at some places. More than half-a-million people were affected.
Meanwhile, the flood badly affected railway infrastructure, causing suspension of railway traffic. The floods damaged railway tracks at various locations on the Multan-Kot Addu junction, the Kot Addu-Dera Ghazi Khan-Kashmore section and on the Kot Addu-Bhakkar-Mianwali section.
The other places where the Punjab irrigation department made breaches in TP Canal include Muhammad Wala, in an attempt to divert the floodwater to Chenab River. The irrigation department states that the breaches were made in order to save PARCO and the KAPCO Power Plant. Breaches were made on Rangpur Canal also. Another breach was made in a section of Muzaffargarh Canal in order to divert its water to Chenab River. The Irrigation Department officials admit that the breaches did not succeed in diverting the floodwaters into Chenab River and contributed to the inundation of Kot Addu and surrounding areas. Breaches were also made in the Talhiri distributory at Ganeshwala in Muzaffargarh, two kilometres from Muzaffargarh town. In various places the breaches, instead of diverting water, created or worsened inundation in towns and villages.
In Mianwali a relief cut was made in the breach section of the Right Guide Band in order to release pressure at the Jinnah Barrage on the Indus River, but, similarly, it only resulted in the flooding of towns and villages.
There need for a full-scale inquiry into the flooding of the Indus and the real reasons of the unnatural course that the river took must be brought out into the public. The Indus is one of the mightiest rivers of the world and is among the few rivers which have a tidal bore. The Indus has tremendous power and it cannot be treated with disrespect. Handling the Indus needs utmost seriousness, professionalism and expertise, especially at a time when it is at its mightiest.
Today there are over twenty million people affected by floods, hungry and sick-- without even a few gulps of water to drink. They have lost lives, livelihoods and homes.
Who was on the watch? Anyone?
The Tibetan Plateau contains the world's third-largest store of ice. Qin Dahe, the former head of the China Meteorological Administration, has issued a grim warning about the rapid melting and warmer temperatures in the area.
"Temperatures are rising four times faster than elsewhere in China, and the Tibetan glaciers are retreating at a higher speed than in any other part of the world... In the short term, this will cause lakes to expand and bring floods and mudflows… In the long run, the glaciers are vital lifelines of the Indus River. Once they vanish, water supplies in Pakistan will be in peril."
According to experts, the destructive behaviour of the Indus which produced the floods had been predicted. Many warnings were issued regarding the increased flow of water in it because of the climate change affecting the planet.
"There is insufficient data to say what will happen to the Indus," says David Grey, the World Bank's senior water advisor in South Asia. "But we all have very nasty fears that the flows of the Indus could be severely, severely affected by glacier melt as a consequence of climate change," he says. "We need to be concerned about that. Deeply, deeply concerned."
The floods were caused by canal bursts and breaches and by protection bunds giving way, in an area ranging from Mianwali district to Layyah, Muzaffargarh, Dera Ghazi Khan and Rajanpur. The breaches in the canals were not only caused by the massive volume of water but also by the creation of gaps by the Punjab's irrigation department for diversion of floodwater.
The result was the inundation of towns and villages which had been totally unprepared for the impending danger. In places like Mehmood Kot, Kot Addu, Sanawan and Dera Din Panah and Mitthan Kot, the populations were caught completely unawares. There was a high number of deaths by drowning. Billions of dollars were lost in property and infrastructure destroyed, cattle washed away and crops wiped out. Hundreds of villages were completely inundated by tides of floodwater as high as fifteen feet.
Why was the pressure of the Indus River not released despite the breaches in the protective bunds and diversion of floodwater into Mianwali? Was breaking the bunds actually the last resort? Was Jinnah Barrage at risk at all? Who gave the orders for the canal breaches?
And what role did local influential landowners play in the bund breaches?
There are many administrative questions too. Should there been water flowing in the canals in the monsoon season? Had the canals been drained properly before the start of the monsoons? Why did the Punjab government not have an evacuation plan when there had been warning of floods months in advance? As for the wisdom of letting water flow in the link canals--for them to be breached later, as happened in so many places--the floodwaters were carried by the canals even to places which lay at a distance from its natural course of the river.
One place to be hit particularly badly was Mehmood Kot near Kot Addu, in Muzaffargarh district. Eyewitness accounts say that the floodwater entering Mehmood Kot was a ten-foot tide advancing like a high-speed train. The tide inundated everything within a few minutes.
"We were able to save nothing," said a resident of Mehmood Kot. "We are just lucky to be alive." This tide was caused by the breaching of the Muzaffargarh Canal two kilometres from Muzaffargarh town. The towns of Sanawan, Ghazi Ghat, Lal Pir were swept away, as were dozens of villages.
According to the Punjab irrigation department, the Indus was flowing at a frightening level when it entered Punjab. The constant rains in the Sulaiman Ranges caused fierce hill torrents: for example, there were 37,000 cusecs in the Sanghar torrent, 27,780 cusecs in the Vehova torrent, 24,767 cusecs in the Vidore torrent, 29,270 cusecs in the Sorrilund torrent and 33,800 cusecs in the Kaura torrent.
Rojhan, Kot Mitthan and Jampur in Rajanpur district were devastated by the hill torrents. In Dera Ghazi Khan town, torrents from Wadoor inundated roads. The high flood breached the Katchi canal bank and broke the siphon on the DG Canal. The irrigation department made breaches on the Katchi Canal crossing into DG Canal in order to divert water from Dera Ghazi Khan town.
Because of intense pressure from the massive flow of the river, the left Marginal Bund of Taunsa Barrage collapsed at RD30-32 on Aug 2. The tremendous body of water resulting from this made its way inland, finding its way into TP Link Canal. The Taunsa-Punjnad Canal has the capacity of 1,500 cusecs but it experienced a surge of more than 3,000 cusecs of water, and breached at various points. TP Canal's banks were breached by the irrigation department at various other points. The water from TP Canal was drained into Muzaffargarh Canal. That canal, which has the maximum capacity of 8,900 cusecs, could not withstand the resulting surge of 2,000 cusecs and breached at many points.
The bursting of bands of TP and Muzaffargarh Canals completely inundated Kot Addu, Dera Din Panah, Mehmoood Kot, Jhoke Utra, Ghousabad, Shero, Basti Pattal and Qasba Gujrat, where the water rose up to fifteen feet and more at some places. More than half-a-million people were affected.
Meanwhile, the flood badly affected railway infrastructure, causing suspension of railway traffic. The floods damaged railway tracks at various locations on the Multan-Kot Addu junction, the Kot Addu-Dera Ghazi Khan-Kashmore section and on the Kot Addu-Bhakkar-Mianwali section.
The other places where the Punjab irrigation department made breaches in TP Canal include Muhammad Wala, in an attempt to divert the floodwater to Chenab River. The irrigation department states that the breaches were made in order to save PARCO and the KAPCO Power Plant. Breaches were made on Rangpur Canal also. Another breach was made in a section of Muzaffargarh Canal in order to divert its water to Chenab River. The Irrigation Department officials admit that the breaches did not succeed in diverting the floodwaters into Chenab River and contributed to the inundation of Kot Addu and surrounding areas. Breaches were also made in the Talhiri distributory at Ganeshwala in Muzaffargarh, two kilometres from Muzaffargarh town. In various places the breaches, instead of diverting water, created or worsened inundation in towns and villages.
In Mianwali a relief cut was made in the breach section of the Right Guide Band in order to release pressure at the Jinnah Barrage on the Indus River, but, similarly, it only resulted in the flooding of towns and villages.
There need for a full-scale inquiry into the flooding of the Indus and the real reasons of the unnatural course that the river took must be brought out into the public. The Indus is one of the mightiest rivers of the world and is among the few rivers which have a tidal bore. The Indus has tremendous power and it cannot be treated with disrespect. Handling the Indus needs utmost seriousness, professionalism and expertise, especially at a time when it is at its mightiest.
Today there are over twenty million people affected by floods, hungry and sick-- without even a few gulps of water to drink. They have lost lives, livelihoods and homes.
Who was on the watch? Anyone?
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